scholarly journals Accessing nature: The battle of the Hurunui River

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amanda Thomas

<p>People understand their relationship, and that of broader society, with nature in a diverse range of ways. Yet the expression of such diversity is often constrained in decision making processes, and in western contexts, neoliberalised understandings of nature are often privileged. Feminist political ecology provides a nuanced approach to exploring how meanings of nature are made and remade, and how some meanings come to be dominant. An emergent body of political ecology has begun to draw on radical democratic theory to shed light on how this privilege is created and perpetuated in political processes in ways that channel certain outcomes. In extending this engagement between theories, this research explores how different understandings of nature compete in formal and informal political spaces through the case study of a new water management regime. For more than a decade, debate has raged about whether or not to dam the Hurunui River for irrigation. Such debate about the future of freshwater bodies has characterised politics in the Canterbury region through which the Hurunui flows. Canterbury has seen rapid agricultural intensification that has been enabled by the enclosure of freshwater. However, enclosure has been contested, and this contestation came to a head when, in early 2010, the national government intervened and dramatically reregulated freshwater in the region; elections for the regional council were suspended, access to judicial reconsideration of decisions about the environment were severely narrowed, and processes underway to protect freshwater bodies were interrupted. Promising better environmental democracy, central government, and the appointed officials replacing the elected councillors, endorsed a new freshwater management initiative based on devolved collaboration and consensus building. In response to conflict over the Hurunui River, the catchment was the first area in which this initiative was tested, a process that became the case study for this project. Through a feminist poststructural approach, I conducted and analysed 42 semi-structured interviews with those involved with Hurunui politics, and was a participant observer at 12 meetings of the new collaborative committee for the catchment. I argue that there were multiple processes that worked to channel particular understandings of nature, and facilitate the enclosure of freshwater for economic advantage. This channelling occurred in three key ways. Firstly, reregulation in Canterbury removed many democratic rights, limiting opportunities for participation in water politics. Secondly, the devolved collaborative and consensus based water committee was constrained by targets and discourses that determined that more water needed to be enclosed to serve a neoliberal growth agenda. Thirdly, community was privileged as a scale of democracy. As a result, narrow constructions of community belonging and performance remained unexplored, and these constructions inhibited public debate and limited possibilities to articulate and explore difference. I argue that such everyday experiences of power and constrained agency constitute an important dynamic of nature politics. There were, however, hopeful aspects of the new regime. An emphasis on dialogue led to transformative social learning, particularly about Ngāi Tahu, the Māori iwi (tribe) with traditional authority over the region, and the ways the iwi negotiated and enacted a relational ethics with the river. This study argues that considerations of power must be at the forefront of democratic design and uneven power relations need to be engaged with in such a way that multiple understandings of nature and society can be articulated and seen to be legitimate. Such an approach provides possibilities for political space in which to reimagine environmental futures and contest the dominance of neoliberal natures.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amanda Thomas

<p>People understand their relationship, and that of broader society, with nature in a diverse range of ways. Yet the expression of such diversity is often constrained in decision making processes, and in western contexts, neoliberalised understandings of nature are often privileged. Feminist political ecology provides a nuanced approach to exploring how meanings of nature are made and remade, and how some meanings come to be dominant. An emergent body of political ecology has begun to draw on radical democratic theory to shed light on how this privilege is created and perpetuated in political processes in ways that channel certain outcomes. In extending this engagement between theories, this research explores how different understandings of nature compete in formal and informal political spaces through the case study of a new water management regime. For more than a decade, debate has raged about whether or not to dam the Hurunui River for irrigation. Such debate about the future of freshwater bodies has characterised politics in the Canterbury region through which the Hurunui flows. Canterbury has seen rapid agricultural intensification that has been enabled by the enclosure of freshwater. However, enclosure has been contested, and this contestation came to a head when, in early 2010, the national government intervened and dramatically reregulated freshwater in the region; elections for the regional council were suspended, access to judicial reconsideration of decisions about the environment were severely narrowed, and processes underway to protect freshwater bodies were interrupted. Promising better environmental democracy, central government, and the appointed officials replacing the elected councillors, endorsed a new freshwater management initiative based on devolved collaboration and consensus building. In response to conflict over the Hurunui River, the catchment was the first area in which this initiative was tested, a process that became the case study for this project. Through a feminist poststructural approach, I conducted and analysed 42 semi-structured interviews with those involved with Hurunui politics, and was a participant observer at 12 meetings of the new collaborative committee for the catchment. I argue that there were multiple processes that worked to channel particular understandings of nature, and facilitate the enclosure of freshwater for economic advantage. This channelling occurred in three key ways. Firstly, reregulation in Canterbury removed many democratic rights, limiting opportunities for participation in water politics. Secondly, the devolved collaborative and consensus based water committee was constrained by targets and discourses that determined that more water needed to be enclosed to serve a neoliberal growth agenda. Thirdly, community was privileged as a scale of democracy. As a result, narrow constructions of community belonging and performance remained unexplored, and these constructions inhibited public debate and limited possibilities to articulate and explore difference. I argue that such everyday experiences of power and constrained agency constitute an important dynamic of nature politics. There were, however, hopeful aspects of the new regime. An emphasis on dialogue led to transformative social learning, particularly about Ngāi Tahu, the Māori iwi (tribe) with traditional authority over the region, and the ways the iwi negotiated and enacted a relational ethics with the river. This study argues that considerations of power must be at the forefront of democratic design and uneven power relations need to be engaged with in such a way that multiple understandings of nature and society can be articulated and seen to be legitimate. Such an approach provides possibilities for political space in which to reimagine environmental futures and contest the dominance of neoliberal natures.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 755-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dicle Kortantamer

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine major transformation portfolio governing practices. Previous research focuses on the structure of project portfolio governance and is relatively silent on micro-practices of governing. This paper intends to respond to this gap. Design/methodology/approach This qualitative case study draws upon practice approaches and the theoretical lens of organisational routines. The empirical inquiry is conducted across six major transformation portfolios in two UK central government departments. The data are collected through conducting semi-structured interviews and gathering documentary reports and analysed by adopting an abductive approach. Findings The findings highlight that two governing practices that have not been previously discussed in the literature: structuring the policy relationship and structuring the business relationship. These practices can be associated with the complex ownership system of the UK central government. The findings also show that in complex ownership systems owners may have different governing and supporting orientations. The micro-dynamics of these governing practices illustrate that the ecology of governing practices is complex, both in terms of the co-existence of complementary and competitive relationships between practices, and in terms of bundles of practices enacting different control regimes. Research limitations/implications This qualitative case study supports further inquiry into major transformation portfolio governing and complex ownership systems. Originality/value The paper adopts a governance-as-practice approach and examines governing major transformation portfolios.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thi Thi Han

<p>REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) is a UN initiative, originally introduced in 2005. The initiative seeks to decrease losses to remaining global forests and other carbon stocks by providing financial incentives to various stakeholder groups in developing countries. The initiative has been controversial, with a wide range of different perspectives on the programme and its implications for forest governance and climate change mitigation. Nonetheless, international and local actors are optimistic about REDD+ as a means to reduce carbon emissions. The Government of Myanmar introduced the initiative to the country in 2011. Myanmar is currently in the readiness phase of REDD+ and, because there are issues surrounding its implication for forest governance, this thesis explores how this phase is playing out in the country. The overarching research objective of this thesis is to explore how Myanmar is approaching the readiness phase of REDD+, and how different stakeholders engage with the readiness activities.  This study adopts a post-structuralist political ecology approach for two reasons. Firstly, it enabled a broad and nuanced exploration of political, social, economic and cultural factors that shape readiness activities, and forest management in Myanmar. As Myanmar is democratising and liberalising its economy, the country’s unique political and economic situation provides context on how these factors shape the initial stage of the REDD+ implementation process. Secondly, post-structuralist political ecology examines meaning making and thus sheds light on how individuals perceive the REDD+ initiative in Myanmar.  The findings from 11 semi-structured interviews and participant-observations show that people are optimistic and enthusiastic about REDD+ implementation but perceive and understand the initiative differently. There are many challenges to introducing REDD+ in Myanmar. This study highlights some issues including stakeholders’ awareness, poor coordination among stakeholders – especially between government agencies – and general issues of transparency. One of the central findings that has pervaded all themes discussed is a lack of transparency in relation to governance arrangements, land tenure, and relationships between stakeholders. If REDD+ is to progress successfully beyond the readiness phase in Myanmar, significant changes need to be made by the central government to ensure clear lines of communication and transparency of information.</p>


2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mette J. Brogden ◽  
James B. Greenberg

The commoditization of natural resources in a global economic system and the territorialization practices of nation-states present formidable challenges to the sustainable use of natural resources. Likewise, certain environmental problems such as growth management and residential sprawl have proved intractable to our existing political processes. This case study of grazing and growth conflicts in Arizona demonstrates that intractable environmental problems may actually be emergent properties of complex systems, requiring new political approaches that foster collaboration and knowledge sharing between disputing stakeholders. One such collaboration in Arizona revealed that attempts to remove grazing from Arizona landscapes could actually be to the detriment of biodiversity, contrary to the expectations of grazing critics.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thi Thi Han

<p>REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) is a UN initiative, originally introduced in 2005. The initiative seeks to decrease losses to remaining global forests and other carbon stocks by providing financial incentives to various stakeholder groups in developing countries. The initiative has been controversial, with a wide range of different perspectives on the programme and its implications for forest governance and climate change mitigation. Nonetheless, international and local actors are optimistic about REDD+ as a means to reduce carbon emissions. The Government of Myanmar introduced the initiative to the country in 2011. Myanmar is currently in the readiness phase of REDD+ and, because there are issues surrounding its implication for forest governance, this thesis explores how this phase is playing out in the country. The overarching research objective of this thesis is to explore how Myanmar is approaching the readiness phase of REDD+, and how different stakeholders engage with the readiness activities.  This study adopts a post-structuralist political ecology approach for two reasons. Firstly, it enabled a broad and nuanced exploration of political, social, economic and cultural factors that shape readiness activities, and forest management in Myanmar. As Myanmar is democratising and liberalising its economy, the country’s unique political and economic situation provides context on how these factors shape the initial stage of the REDD+ implementation process. Secondly, post-structuralist political ecology examines meaning making and thus sheds light on how individuals perceive the REDD+ initiative in Myanmar.  The findings from 11 semi-structured interviews and participant-observations show that people are optimistic and enthusiastic about REDD+ implementation but perceive and understand the initiative differently. There are many challenges to introducing REDD+ in Myanmar. This study highlights some issues including stakeholders’ awareness, poor coordination among stakeholders – especially between government agencies – and general issues of transparency. One of the central findings that has pervaded all themes discussed is a lack of transparency in relation to governance arrangements, land tenure, and relationships between stakeholders. If REDD+ is to progress successfully beyond the readiness phase in Myanmar, significant changes need to be made by the central government to ensure clear lines of communication and transparency of information.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Leah Gichuki

<p>Since the 1990s there has been an increasing shift in the management of natural resources from state control to participatory approaches. Many developing countries, including Kenya, have promoted participatory forest management (PFM) as a strategy for enhancing forest conservation and the sustainable use of forest resources through community participation. Drawing on a case study of the Kereita forest, in the central highlands of Kenya, this research explores the impact of PFM on community livelihood. Using a post-structural political ecology approach and qualitative research methods, I conducted and analysed 18 semi-structured interviews.  Results indicate that the implementation of PFM has changed how the community access forest products. PFM, through processes of inclusion and exclusion, has had both positive and negative effects on community livelihoods. New opportunities were opened, for instance, increased awareness about forest conservation led to a women’s group developing alternative livelihood pathways. In contrast, the development of a new eco-lodge disrupted community plans to rehabilitate that area.   This case study also reflected other critiques of PFM in terms of who holds ultimate authority; ultimately, the government retained a lot of control in forest management, and PFM processes have concentrated power with the government and channelled certain livelihood outcomes that benefit the already wealthy. These uneven power relations between the community and the government produce and perpetuate conflicts in implementing PFM hence hampering livelihood improvement. Furthermore, I argue that PFM has created and embedded both visible and invisible boundaries – through fences and permits, for instance – that regulate what takes place where, and who accesses what. To sustain the development of good community livelihoods through PFM, this research calls for continued interrogations of power imbalances within current PFM structures.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-480
Author(s):  
Iain MacKinnon

‘Environmentality’ is a term used to describe the means by which regulatory processes simultaneously redefine both the environment and the subjectivity of those whose environment is being governed by regulation. Today it is considered a key concept of political ecology. Its most comprehensive and influential articulation is by way of a case-study of the development of community forestry in Kumaon in north India. The case-study argues that the decentralised regulatory system created by the British colonial regime in 1931 created an ‘environmental subjectivity’ among forest users which had not previously existed. However, this article presents evidence that suggests that concern for forest protection – and, thus, ‘environmental subjectivity’ – can be found in Kumaon before the creation of local forest governance; in addition, the article questions the case-study’s interpretation of evidence adduced for ‘environmental subjectivity’ in Kumaon today. Following a discussion on methodology, the article concludes that the case-study’s Euro-centric conception of ‘environmentality’ as an ‘analytical optic’ – derived from the narrow meaning of ‘governmentality’ proposed in the work of Michel Foucault – has resulted in an analysis which systematically elides the agency and beliefs of local people. This optical limitation has implications for other ‘environmentality’ studies. Other forms of analysis, which seek to disclose and decentre features of Western theoretical perspectives on political processes that are internally related to imperialism, are said to offer the potential for outcomes that constitute a non-imperial alternative based on dialogue and mutual understanding.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Leah Gichuki

<p>Since the 1990s there has been an increasing shift in the management of natural resources from state control to participatory approaches. Many developing countries, including Kenya, have promoted participatory forest management (PFM) as a strategy for enhancing forest conservation and the sustainable use of forest resources through community participation. Drawing on a case study of the Kereita forest, in the central highlands of Kenya, this research explores the impact of PFM on community livelihood. Using a post-structural political ecology approach and qualitative research methods, I conducted and analysed 18 semi-structured interviews.  Results indicate that the implementation of PFM has changed how the community access forest products. PFM, through processes of inclusion and exclusion, has had both positive and negative effects on community livelihoods. New opportunities were opened, for instance, increased awareness about forest conservation led to a women’s group developing alternative livelihood pathways. In contrast, the development of a new eco-lodge disrupted community plans to rehabilitate that area.   This case study also reflected other critiques of PFM in terms of who holds ultimate authority; ultimately, the government retained a lot of control in forest management, and PFM processes have concentrated power with the government and channelled certain livelihood outcomes that benefit the already wealthy. These uneven power relations between the community and the government produce and perpetuate conflicts in implementing PFM hence hampering livelihood improvement. Furthermore, I argue that PFM has created and embedded both visible and invisible boundaries – through fences and permits, for instance – that regulate what takes place where, and who accesses what. To sustain the development of good community livelihoods through PFM, this research calls for continued interrogations of power imbalances within current PFM structures.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Pham Thi Thu Hien

Twitter and Microblogging are two separate entities but completes each other. Both of them can be used as language learning tools and their potential has been proved by several scholars. This study tries to examine students’ experiences in integrating microblogging with twitter. It is also study about the beneficial roles of microblogging with Twitter in language learning, its relation to writing, and its appropriateness in language learning. This study employs a qualitative research methodology, and case study as its research design. Semi-structured interviews and questionnaires were employed in this study to find out about participants' views about microblogging and Twitter. From this study, it can be concluded that the participants of the study underwent various experiences during the implementation of microblogging with Twitter. They also felt that microblogging with Twitter at some point advantages them to systematically arrange their ideas, and allows them to choose appropriate diction of their ideas. They also stated that Twitter can be an appropriate means in language learning, especially in English writing<em>.</em>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document