scholarly journals O Ethos democrático contemporâneo: das culturas tradicionais à fusão de culturas/The Contemporary Democratic Ethos: from Traditional Cultures to Fusion of Cultures

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Leno Francisco Danner

O artigo defende que, desde a segunda metade do século XX, o processo de evolução de nossas sociedades é marcado pela acelerada fusão e pela cada vez mais intensa miscigenação de culturas, que apontam para o enfraquecimento das culturas e das instituições tradicionais por causa da constituição de uma nova cultura, fundida e miscigenada, afirmadora do pluralismo e do individualismo, bases para o universalismo moral. Além disso, nesse mesmo período, a crítica ao modelo de modernização ocidental (capitalismo, racionalização), que estaria destruindo formas alternativas de sociabilidade, de relação com o mundo e de produção da vida material, passou a dar a tônica da atuação de novos movimentos sociais, grupos culturais e iniciativas cidadãs. Com isso, é possível perceber-se um aspecto político-cultural altamente emancipatório em nossas sociedades, isto é, a desconstrução das culturas e da autoridade das instituições tradicionais, bem como a necessidade de repensar-se o modelo de progresso e de desenvolvimento ocidentais, em favor da democracia, dos direitos humanos e de formas alternativas de vida, o que aponta para uma reavaliação positiva, em termos de Ocidente e mesmo do Brasil, das culturas indígenas e negras para a formação das nossas sociedades e para a superação de seus problemas.Abstract: the paper argues that, since second half of twentieth century, the process of evolution of our societies is characterized by rapid fusion and very intense miscegenation of cultures, what points to impairment of traditional cultures and institutions, because the constitution of a new culture, fused and mixed, affirming pluralism and individualism that are the basis for moral universalism. Moreover, in this same period, the critic to the western model of modernization (capitalism, rationalization), that would be destroying alternative forms of sociability, relation with de world and production of material life, become current with new social movements, cultural groups and citizen initiatives. So, it is possible to perceive a highly emancipatory political-cultural aspect in our societies, namely the deconstruction of traditional cultures and authority of institutions, in favor of the democracy, human rights and alternative forms of life that conducts to a positive revaluation, in terms of Western and even Brazil, of indigenous and black cultures to the constitution of our societies and the overcoming of their social problems. Keywords: Democracy; Fusion of Cultures; Tradition; Modernization; Revaluation. 

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna Yates

Since the end of the second world war, international cultural heritage protection law and its domestic legal components have proceeded in their development in tandem with the development of international human rights laws and norms. A core tension in human rights thinking is evident also in debates about the right to cultural property: the potential for conflict between the right to cultural self–determination by one group and attempts to develop and promulgate human rights standards with universalising ambitions. This is reflected in cultural property ownership debates, where cultural heritage may be considered by some people as the common heritage of humankind and thus to some extent owned by us all, while others would see it as more properly owned by members of a more restricted group, or perhaps communally as tangible items of a certain culture.So there is a universalism vs particularism debate about the right to own, possess or otherwise enjoy, worship or value cultural objects just as there is the same debate on a much wider scale about universalism vs particularism in human rights in general. As with that wider debate, where universalism has been criticised for being a veil for the global transfer of western liberal capitalist values (e.g. Woodiwiss 2005), so too in the cultural property debate the construction of the idea of ‘the world’s cultural heritage’ has tended to represent in practice a view that favours the idea of the ‘encyclopaedic’ Western model of the museum, thus suggesting an ideal where material cultural heritage is stored in cultural repositories around the world rather than leaving (or reinstating) it to its country of origin or to a community thought to have the closest historical, cultural or religious connection to it.This view is fiercely opposed by those who consider this to be, in effect, an attempted justification of the forcible extraction of this particular resource from the developing world. They prefer to define and delineate cultural property rights in terms of ‘the property of a culture’ rather than as ‘property which is cultural’ insofar as the latter might represent a contemporary reflection of the values and views of the global art market rather than the communities and cultures whose heritage is at stake. In international legislation aimed at cultural property protection there is some ambivalence around these views, with the preambles of the governing conventions tending to strike a diplomatic balance between recognising important cultural artefacts as the particular interests of cultural groups, states or ‘all peoples’, while also approving of some of the effects of the worldwide diffusion of cultural heritage, most of which is due to the mechanics of the art market.


2021 ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Peter Beresford

This chapter's main focus is reconnecting ideology and participation. It begins to look at a different approach to political ideologies, where the aim is to make possible our effective participation in them. The chapter highlights that this represents a fundamental change in approach to ideology, one that begins with how we try to examine and discuss the concept. A central question is explored: is it possible for ideology to be liberatory unless it is participatory? The chapter looks at the insights for such participation to be found in the 'new social movements' that developed in the last quarter of the twentieth century, including service user movements, and unpacks participation considering its history, philosophy, models, contexts and meanings.


Author(s):  
Kirsten Leng

The Conclusion accounts for the fate of the women whose ideas are examined in this book, and takes stock of the legacies of their sexological work. It further lays out the benefits of pursuing a larger twentieth century history of women’s sexological work, one that is international in its scope and grapples with the rupture in female sexual knowledge production affected by the Second World War and its geopolitical realignments, the reshuffling of the ideological landscapes after 1945, and the rise of new social movements in the 1960s. Finally, the Conclusion argues that the history of women’s sexological work is especially significant at this particular moment in time, as twenty-first century feminist theorists positively embrace science and nature as intellectual and rhetorical resources once again.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113
Author(s):  
Nana Tawiah Okyir

This article argues for the strengthening and entrenchment of socio-economic rights provisions in Ghana's jurisprudence. The purpose of this entrenchment is to engender judicial activism in promoting more creative pathways for enforcing socio-economic rights in Ghana. The article traces the development of socio-economic rights in Ghana's jurisprudence, especially the influence of the requirements of the international rights movement, particularly of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The article delves into the constitutional history of Ghana and its impact on the evolution of rights in the country. Of particular historical emphasis is the emergence of socio-economic rights under the Directive Principles of State Policy in the 1979 Constitution. However, the significance of the socio-economic rights only became profound with the return to democratic rule under the 1992 Constitution, again under a distinct chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. However, unlike its counterpart, the chapter on the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, which is directly enforceable, the Directive Principles of State Policy were not. It took the Supreme Court of Ghana a series of landmark decisions until finally, in 2008, it arrived at a presumption of justiciability in respect of all of the provisions in the 1992 Constitution. It is evident that prior to this, the Supreme Court was not willing to apply the same standards of adjudication and enforcement as it ordinarily applies in respect of rights under the chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. Having surmounted the non-justiciability hurdle, what is left is for the courts to begin to vigorously pursue an agenda that puts socio-economic rights at the centre of Ghana's rights adjudication framework. The article draws on comparative experiences from India and South Africa to showcase the extent of judicial creativity in rights adjudication. In India, the courts have been able to work around provisions restricting the enforcement of Directive Principles by often connecting them to Fundamental Freedoms. In South Africa, there is no hierarchy between civil and political rights on the one hand and socio-economic rights on the other; for that reason, the courts give equal ventilation to both sets of rights. The article further analyses these examples in the light of ongoing constitutional reforms in Ghana. It argues that these reforms fall short of the activism required to propel socio-economic rights adjudication to the forefront in Ghana's jurisprudence. In this regard, the article proposes social movements as a viable tool for socio-economic rights advocacy by recounting its success in previous controversial issues in Ghana. The article also connects this to other important building blocks like building socio-economic rights into a national development blueprint. Overall, the article calls for an imaginative socio-economic rights enforcement approach that is predicated on legislation, judicial activism, social movements and a national development blueprint aimed at delivering a qualitative life for the Ghanaian.


2021 ◽  
pp. 183693912199799
Author(s):  
Kay Whitehead ◽  
Belinda MacGill ◽  
Sam Schulz

To date, the work of Aboriginal early childhood educators in the mid-twentieth century has not been widely acknowledged. Nancy Barnes, nee Brumbie (1927–2012), exemplifies the strength and tenacity of Aboriginal Australians who had to negotiate their lives and work in white institutions and a society which denied them fundamental human rights. Nancy graduated from the Adelaide Kindergarten Training College in December 1956 as the first qualified Aboriginal kindergarten director in South Australia. Following on, she was the foundation director of Ida Standley Preschool in Alice Springs (1959–1962) then the first ‘regional director’ in the Kindergarten Union of South Australia. Based on traditional archival research and analysis of public documents and Barnes’ autobiography, the article begins with her childhood and youth as a domestic servant and then explores her career, political activism, experiences of racism and lifelong commitment to addressing inequalities between Aboriginal and white Australians through education.


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