scholarly journals Strategies to reduce the risk of SARS-CoV-2 importation from international travellers: modelling estimations for the United Kingdom, July 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (39) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Clifford ◽  
Billy J Quilty ◽  
Timothy W Russell ◽  
Yang Liu ◽  
Yung-Wai D Chan ◽  
...  

Background To mitigate SARS-CoV-2 transmission risks from international air travellers, many countries implemented a combination of up to 14 days of self-quarantine upon arrival plus PCR testing in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Aim To assess the effectiveness of quarantine and testing of international travellers to reduce risk of onward SARS-CoV-2 transmission into a destination country in the pre-COVID-19 vaccination era. Methods We used a simulation model of air travellers arriving in the United Kingdom from the European Union or the United States, incorporating timing of infection stages while varying quarantine duration and timing and number of PCR tests. Results Quarantine upon arrival with a PCR test on day 7 plus a 1-day delay for results can reduce the number of infectious arriving travellers released into the community by a median 94% (95% uncertainty interval (UI): 89–98) compared with a no quarantine/no test scenario. This reduction is similar to that achieved by a 14-day quarantine period (median > 99%; 95% UI: 98–100). Even shorter quarantine periods can prevent a substantial amount of transmission; all strategies in which travellers spend at least 5 days (mean incubation period) in quarantine and have at least one negative test before release are highly effective (median reduction 89%; 95% UI: 83–95)). Conclusion The effect of different screening strategies impacts asymptomatic and symptomatic individuals differently. The choice of an optimal quarantine and testing strategy for unvaccinated air travellers may vary based on the number of possible imported infections relative to domestic incidence.

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Patrono ◽  
Justin O Frosini

This article discusses the Constitution of the United Kingdom and then draws some comparisons between it and the Constitution of the United States of America. It touches on issues such as how the United Kingdom's commitment to parliamentary sovereignty has been affected by the country's relationship with the European Union.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 558-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wyn Rees

The Obama administration played a surprisingly interventionist role in the UK referendum on membership of the European Union (EU), arguing that a vote to leave would damage European security. Yet this article contends that US attitudes towards the EU as a security actor, and the part played within it by the United Kingdom, have been much more complex than the United States has sought to portray. While it has spoken the language of partnership, it has acted as if the EU has been a problem for US policy. The United Kingdom was used as part of the mechanism for managing that problem. In doing so, America contributed, albeit inadvertently, to the Brexit result. With the aid of contrasting theoretical perspectives from Realism and Institutionalism, this article explores how America’s security relationship with the United Kingdom has helped to engineer a security situation that the United States wanted to avoid.


Author(s):  
Łukasz Danel

This article is devoted to the "special relationship" between the United Kingdom and the United States: a strategic partnership that has united these two countries for good after WWII, even though in many respects it has lasted since the first half of the 19th century. The author starts with presenting the historic outline of the "special relationship" with an emphasis on the characteristics of mutual ties and dependencies. The author also analyses the political circumstances in which tightening or loosening of the British and American relations took place. In the final part of the article, the author refers to the most recent political events, which in 2016 took place in Great Britain and in the United Sates. In this manner, the author is trying to answer the question on how the decision on leaving the European Union by Great Britain (the so-called Brexit) and the election of Donald Trump as the US president will influence the shape of the British and American alliance


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Oppermann ◽  
Ryan Beasley ◽  
Juliet Kaarbo

British foreign policy stands at a turning point following the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Drawing on role theory, we trace the United Kingdom’s efforts to establish new foreign policy roles as it interacts with the concerned international actors. We find that the pro-Brexit desire to ‘take back control’ has not yet translated into a cogent foreign policy direction. In its efforts to avoid adopting the role of isolate, the United Kingdom has projected a disoriented foreign policy containing elements of partially incompatible roles such as great power, global trading state, leader of the Commonwealth, regional partner to the European Union (EU) and faithful ally to the United States. The international community has, through processes of socialisation and alter-casting, largely rejected these efforts. These role conflicts between the United Kingdom and international actors, as well as conflicts among its different role aspirations, have pressed UK policies towards its unwanted isolationist role, potentially shaping its long-term foreign policy orientation post-Brexit.


Disruption ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 275-286
Author(s):  
David Potter

Friday 13, 2019 was the day of the election of Boris Johnson as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the impeachment of Donald Trump. What has happened to liberal democracy that the leaders of two of the most powerful liberal democracies have, as their leaders, people who are fundamentally opposed to the traditions of the post-World War II order, and use the same overtly racist ideology to frame their approach to government? The rise of the ideology of disruption and surveillance capitalism are connected with economic dislocation that destroys faith in the traditional governing order not only in the United States and United Kingdom, but elsewhere in the European Union. There is discussion of systemic racism, and systemic impoverishment. The question that remains is whether we are facing genuine disruption, or if there are solutions that can restore faith in existing institutions while alleviating the misery that lies at the heart of the widespread loss of faith in institutions


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document