Fostering Political Interest Among Youth During the 2012 Presidential Election

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (9) ◽  
pp. 483-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brett L. M. Levy ◽  
Benjamin G. Solomon ◽  
Lauren Collet-Gildard

Political interest is one of the most consistent predictors of political participation, but little research has examined how it develops. This study explores adolescents’ political interest development during the 2012 U.S. presidential election. The research team collected and analyzed longitudinal data (surveys, interviews, observations) in high schools located in conservative, liberal, and centrist communities within one swing state. Findings indicate that students’ political interest increased during the election. These increases were related to greater public attention to politics and having opportunities to explore multiple sides of political issues and express political opinions. When guiding such experiences, some teachers struggled with various challenges, including one-sided political environments and students’ political cynicism. This study has numerous implications for education in democratic societies.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1342-1361
Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew J. Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto

In this chapter, we expand the idea that conflict avoidance (CA) inhibits online political participation. We specifically propose that CA has a direct negative link with traditional online political participation and online political expression, and an indirect negative link with these two forms of participation when mediated by political interest and internal political efficacy. We test our propositions through analyzing data from a survey of young adult college students residing in a battleground state in the U.S. Midwest conducted during the weeks prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Our results showed that CA has a direct negative association with both traditional online political participation and online political expression. CA also has a negative relationship with political interest and internal political efficacy, which in turn, are positively linked with traditional online political participation and online political expression. We discussed implications.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212090504
Author(s):  
Lauren Copeland ◽  
Shelley Boulianne

Political consumerism refers to the deliberate purchase or avoidance of products, goods, or services for political reasons. For decades, researchers have studied the micro-level predictors of political consumerism in many countries and across a variety of contexts. However, many questions remain. Do resource-based models of political participation or theories of lifestyle politics best explain why some people are more likely to engage in political consumerism? To answer this question, we conduct a meta-analysis of 66 studies with more than 1000 tests. We find more support for theories of lifestyle politics. Political consumerism is associated with political distrust, liberal ideology, and media use, as well as education, political interest, and organizational membership. The findings help us understand the subset of people who are using their purchasing power to express political opinions. They also help us identify gaps in existing research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew J. Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto

This study extends understanding of conflict avoidance's (CA) potential of inhibiting online political participation. Specifically, the authors examine whether CA has a direct negative relationship with traditional online political participation and online political expression, and an indirect negative relationship with these two forms of participation as mediated by political interest and internal political efficacy. A survey of young adult college students living in a U.S. Midwestern battleground state was conducted weeks prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Results showed that CA has a direct negative relationship with both traditional online political participation and online political expression. Also, CA is negatively associated with political interest and internal political efficacy, which in turn, are positively associated with traditional online political participation and online political expression. Implications are discussed.


Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew J. Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto

In this chapter, we expand the idea that conflict avoidance (CA) inhibits online political participation. We specifically propose that CA has a direct negative link with traditional online political participation and online political expression, and an indirect negative link with these two forms of participation when mediated by political interest and internal political efficacy. We test our propositions through analyzing data from a survey of young adult college students residing in a battleground state in the U.S. Midwest conducted during the weeks prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Our results showed that CA has a direct negative association with both traditional online political participation and online political expression. CA also has a negative relationship with political interest and internal political efficacy, which in turn, are positively linked with traditional online political participation and online political expression. We discussed implications.


Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-439
Author(s):  
Reetika Syal

Abstract This article finds, through statistical analysis of the National Election Studies (2004) data, that an increase in intergenerational education levels can positively influence an individual's political interest and political participation. Participatory trends in India are influenced by demographic factors such as caste, class, gender, income, and locality. However, this study finds that education can have a liberating effect from these various socio-economic constraints. It can provide greater access to resources and information, thus helping to increase active political participation.


Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter examines patterns of political participation more broadly across time and space. It directly compares people's likelihood of becoming active based on which political issues they consider most important. The data for this analysis are drawn from the American National Election Study data from the past three decades. The chapter asks: If we look back over the past thirty years, have the people who consider insecurity issues to be most important also been less likely to spend resources on politics than those who consider other issues to be most important? Have they been less likely to donate money to political organizations? And, if they are in the labor force, have they been less likely to volunteer as well? Moreover, do these differences remain even after we take into account other differences between the types of people who prioritize economic insecurity issues versus those who consider other issues to be most important?


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Drakulich ◽  
John Hagan ◽  
Devon Johnson ◽  
Kevin H. Wozniak

AbstractScholars have long been interested in the intersection of race, crime, justice, and presidential politics, focusing particularly on the “southern strategy” and the “war on crime.” A recent string of highly-publicized citizen deaths at the hands of police and the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement have brought renewed visibility to this racially-driven intersection, and in particular to issues involving contact with and attitudes toward the police. Using data from the 2016 Pilot Study of the American National Election Studies, this study explores how contact with the criminal justice system and perceptions of police injustice shape political behavior in the modern era, with a specific emphasis on prospective participation and candidate choice in the 2016 presidential election. The results indicate that being stopped by the police—an experience that can feel invasive and unjust—may motivate political participation, while spending time in jail or prison—an experience associated with a marginalization from mainstream civic life—appears to discourage political participation. Perceiving the police as discriminatory also seems to motivate political engagement and participation, though in opposite directions for conservative versus liberal voters. In addition, perceptions of police injustice were related to candidate choice, driving voters away from Donald Trump. Affective feelings about the police were not associated with candidate choice. Perceptions of the police appear to act in part as a proxy for racial resentments, at least among potential voters in the Republican primary. In sum, the intersection of race, justice, and policing remains highly relevant in U.S. politics.


1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angus Campbell ◽  
Gerald Gurin ◽  
Warren E. Miller

In March, 1952 the Carnegie Corporation made available to the Social Science Research Council a research grant to support a major study of factors influencing the popular vote in the 1952 presidential election. Under the sponsorship of the Council's Committee on Political Behavior this project is currently being carried out by the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigan.The study was developed around six major objectives:1. To identify the voters and non-voters, Republicans and Democrats, within four major geographical areas, in regard toa. socio-economic characteristics;b. attitudes and opinions on political issues;c. perceptions of the parties and the candidates.2. To compare these groups to the corresponding groups in the 1948 presidential election.3. To trace the resolution of the vote with particular attention to the undecided and changing voters.4. To study the impact of the activities of the major parties on the population.5. To analyze the nature and correlates of political party identification.6. To analyze the nature and correlates of political participation.


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