scholarly journals Driving appliances for upper limb amputees

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Verrall ◽  
J. R. Kulkarni

The advice given to upper limb amputees in the United Kingdom with regard to the use of driving appliances has often been somewhat variable. At best a full rehabilitation package has been provided, including the fitting of the appliances to the person's vehicle and contact with the driver's instructor, to the other exireme of issuing driving appliances to patients with no instruction at all. Though upper limb amputations are not a relevant or prospective disability, all drivers with a “limb disablility” are legally required, in the UK, to declare changes in their hpysical state to the Driver and Vehicle Loicensing Agency. This study examines the current usage of driving appliances. It was found that the level of upper limb loss has little effect on where the driving appliance is placed or on any other aspect of driving method used.

Author(s):  
Michael Keating

Unionists have defended the United Kingdom as a social or ‘sharing’ union in which resources are distributed according to need. It is true that income support payments and pensions are largely reserved and distributed across the union according to the same criteria. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are net beneficiaries. On the other hand, welfare has been detached from older understandings of social citizenship and ideas of the deserving and undeserving poor (strivers and skivers) have returned. Spending on devolved matters including health, education and social services is not equalized across the union. Instead, the Barnett Formula, based on historic spending levels and population-based adjustments, is used. Contrary to the claims of many unionists, there is no needs assessment underlying it, apart from a safeguard provision for Wales. The claim that the UK is a sharing union thus needs to be qualified.


1980 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 8-26

The United Kingdom economy remained almost stagnant in 1979 with GDP being only 0.6 per cent higher than in 1978. Not only is this a dismal end to a generally depressed period of seven years but the outlook for the beginning of the 1980s is even worse, as we discuss in chapter II on the home economy. In comparison with the United States, Japan, West Germany, France and the OECD countries as a whole the UK performance has been slow, as is clear from chart I. However if similar comparisons with the other countries had been made in 1969 or 1959 the UK performance would also have been seen to be relatively slow. This picture of a stagnant aggregate economy in 1979 covers up an underlying picture of considerable fluctuation in the components of the economy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-35
Author(s):  
Moira Dustin

Since the late 1990s, the extension of the equality framework in the United Kingdom has been accompanied by the recognition of religion within that framework and new measures to address religious discrimination. This development has been contested, with many arguing that religion is substantively different to other discrimination grounds and that increased protection against religious discrimination may undermine equality for other marginalized groups – in particular, women and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. This paper considers these concerns from the perspective of minoritized women in the UK. It analyses two theoretical approaches to reconciling religious claims with gender equality – one based on privileging, the other based on challenging religious claims – before considering which, if either, reflects experiences in the UK in recent years and what this means for gender equality.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
K Soldan ◽  
K Davison ◽  
B Dow

Several new tests have been recently introduced by the United Kingdom Blood Services to improve safety. The frequency (or risk) of hepatitis B virus (HBV), hepatitis C virus (HCV) and HIV infectious donations entering the UK blood supply during 1996-2003 has been estimated. These years span the introduction of nucleic acid testing (NAT) for HCV, HIV combination antigen and antibody test and NAT for HIV. The frequency of an infectious donation entering the blood supply due to i) the window period, ii) assay failures and iii) human and technical errors in testing and processing, was estimated. The window period risk was estimated using the incidence of infection in donors and the length of the window period for tests in use, with an adjustment for atypical inter-donation intervals in seroconverting donors. The estimated frequency of infectious donations entering the blood supply during 1996-2003 was 1.66, 0.80 and 0.14 per million for HBV, HCV and HIV respectively. HCV NAT resulted in an over 95% fall in the risk of HCV. Current usage of HIV combined antibody-antigen tests and of HIV NAT reduced the estimated risk of HIV by 10%. Since 1996, the risk of transfusion-transmitted HBV, HCV and HIV infection in the UK has been lowered by several improvements to donation testing, although the absolute reduction in risk has been small. Vigilance for errors and the affects of donor selection may be as or more important than further reductions to window periods of tests for improving blood safety with respect to HBV, HCV and HIV.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-43
Author(s):  
Ruzita Azmi ◽  
Adilah Abd Razak ◽  
Siti Nur Samawati Ahmad

Debtor’s pre-rehabilitation is a measure given to a debtor in order to avoid bankruptcy once he failed to fulfil his financial commitment with his creditors. The pre-rehabilitation schemes can be obtained through court or out of court’s settlement. The most common type of pre-rehabilitation that court based in the United Kingdom (UK) is Individual Voluntary Arrangement (IVA), which usually applicable to debtors with a large number of debts. Meanwhile, for a debtor with a smaller amount of debts, and disqualified from IVA, may resort to Debts Relief Order (DRO) and Administration Order (AO). On the other hand, Malaysian debtors may only resort to Voluntary Arrangement (VA) modelled after the IVA practised in the UK to avoid bankruptcy. Considering the importance to give more options for pre- rehabilitation schemes for Malaysian debtors, this paper examines the provisions on DRO and AO in the UK. The authors collected primary and secondary data from judicial decisions, textbooks, reports and articles from both law and non-law journals. This paper concludes by showing that if Malaysia emulates the UK and introduces DRO and AO, debtors in Malaysia will have two more bankruptcy pre-rehabilitation to complement the VA.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
King Costa ◽  
Thelela Ngcetane-Vika

This paper is an exploration of theoretical aspects underpinning the practice of Corporate Governance (CG) in the United Kingdom and South Africa. Because of several corporate scandals and failures in the twenty and twenty first siècles, Corporate Governance has been a significant and crucial subject and field of study in business schools in recent years. Leadership and Management of business entities and alignment to prescripts that are statutory formulated for prevention of corporate decline and enhancement of sound business principles continue to be highly contentious issues. A theoretical and exploratory narrative synthesis was conducted to unearth the strengths and weaknesses of contextual explication, practice and legal application of Corporate Governance in both the United Kingdom and South Africa. In terms of the UK, the study found out that the CG is designed and benchmarked on international best practice, seamlessly fitting within all the Codes on Key Aspects of Corporate Governance. Secondly, another major element of strengths determination were found to be inherent in the practice of voluntary compliance. However, the greatest criticisms of Corporate Governance theories in the UK was the fact that their focus is largely on public corporations, especially those listed in London stock exchange and thus, leave behind small and medium enterprises. The cultural diversity is also found to be a cause for concern in terms of practice and legal application. On the other hand, in South Africa, the study found out that consideration for diversity is one of the greatest strengths in CG practice and legal application, which is likely to contribute effectively to good and sound decision-making, reflective of all people. Weaknesses continue to be the delay in realisation of board equity in terms of gender while on the other hand, corruption and lack of adherence to retributive prescripts remain problematic.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 451-451
Author(s):  
Harold Ellis

Nowadays well over half the new graduates coming out of the medical schools in the United Kingdom are women. Women are found in the highest ranks in the profession and are well represented on the Councils of the Royal Colleges and the other medical institutions. Yet it was only during the second half of the 19th century that a handful of dedicated women invaded what was until then an entirely male profession. Perhaps the most prominent of these was Elizabeth Garrett-Anderson, the first female to graduate in medicine in the UK.


Author(s):  
Johannes Fritz

The chapter identifies two models of petitioning in the United Kingdom. One is found at the devolved legislatures in Scotland and Wales, the other on the Prime Minister's Website. Differences between these petition systems are analyzed with respect to their political and institutional context, functionality, use, and impact on politics. The model in Scotland and Wales evolved from the context of devolution and the desire of the new institutions to distance themselves from the Westminster Parliament. Their petition systems offer petitioners a detailed treatment of their petitions by specialised petition committees. Petitions are generally assessed in qualitative terms and received in small numbers. The second model on the Prime Minister's (2006-2010) and the coalition government's Website (since 2011) is used to collect popular demands as part of an e-engagement strategy reflecting the dominant position of the Prime Minister within the UK political system. The system focuses on quantitative criteria to identify successful petitions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries


2021 ◽  
pp. 096466392110323
Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard ◽  
Sarah Fraser Butlin ◽  
Fiona Costello

Following Brexit, European Union citizens now find their rights to live and work in the UK have changed and they had to make an application under the European Union Settlement Scheme, established under the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement, by 30 June 2021 to enable them to continue to live in the UK lawfully. This article examines the experience and perceptions of those navigating the European Union Settlement Scheme and how they feel about life in the UK post-Brexit. It raises questions about identity and belonging. We also examine the other routes European Union nationals, and their family members, are choosing to use to secure their status in the UK. Our research highlights how the impacts of Brexit and European Union Settlement Scheme are unevenly felt and experienced by different European Union national groups. The article concludes that it is likely that we will only be able to measure the true extent of the ‘success’ of the European Union Settlement Scheme after the application gateway has closed on 30 June 2021, by learning what happens to those who fall between the gap, especially those more vulnerable.


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