TAIWAN ELECTION 2020: MORE AMBITIOUS TAIWANESE IDENTITY AND DEVELOPING CONSTRUCTIVE APPROACHES

It is widely believed that identity with Taiwanese or Chinese is the major cleavage in Taiwan. People who hold Taiwanese identity tend to vote for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and those who identify themselves as both Chinese and Taiwanese are likely to vote for the Kuomintang. As the proportion of Taiwanese identifiers increases, the geographical difference seems to persist. Whether national identity is associated with regional line and why they are correlated is a pressing question. This paper uses the 2012 presidential election survey data to explore the extent to which regional divide accounts for national identity. Using generalized linear mixed effect model (GLMM), this research finds minor regional divide in terms of ethnicity concentration and economic structure. However, ethnic background is influential on national identity while retrospective evaluation and democratic value are significant predictors. This mixed result suggests that people in Taiwan have united national identity should geographical difference remain or even decrease, and that we should remain watchful about the influence of democratic value and economic concern.

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No Winds of Change: Taiwan's 2012 National Elections and the Post-Election Fallout

Journal of Current Chinese Affairs ◽

10.1177/186810261204100307 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 41 (3) ◽

pp. 143-161 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Gunter Schubert

Keyword(s):

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Election Campaigns ◽

China Policy ◽

National Elections ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Legislative Yuan ◽

The Future ◽

Election Results ◽

Progressive Party

Taiwan held its first combined national elections on 14 January 2012. Though the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the largest opposition party, fared much better in the Legislative Yuan elections than it did in 2008, DPP presidential contender Tsai Ying-wen's (Cai Yingwen) clear defeat at the hands of the Kuomintang (KMT, Guomindang) incumbent, Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu), in the presidential race came as a surprise. The article examines the election campaigns of both Tsai and Ma, summarizes the election results, and analyses the reasons why the DPP failed to retake the presidency. It then discusses the postelection debate within the DPP on the future of its China policy and ponders what can be expected from the second Ma administration.

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Taiwan Politics: Cross-strait Relations Continue to dominate

East Asian Policy ◽

10.1142/s1793930512000050 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 04 (01) ◽

pp. 58-67

Author(s):

Katherine Hui-yi TSENG ◽

Min-hua CHIANG

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Economic Cooperation ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Close Attention ◽

Framework Agreement ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Negative Impacts ◽

Progressive Party

While the Ma administration claims that the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement is a means to promote Taiwan's economic growth, the opposition party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), continues to blame the Kuomintang for its negative impacts on Taiwan's economy. Politically, limited progress on cross-strait relations has been made. Beijing and Washington had paid close attention to Taiwan's 2012 presidential election for the unpredictable variables it may add to future China-US relations.

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China ties at stake again as Taiwan polls approach

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db198283 ◽

2015 ◽

Keyword(s):

Public Opinion ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

China Policy ◽

Content Type ◽

Parliamentary Elections ◽

Presidential Nomination ◽

Opposition Party ◽

2016 Election ◽

Progressive Party

Subject Politics in Taiwan as the 2016 election comes into view. Significance Public opinion continues to swell for Taiwan's chief opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), as the 2016 presidential and parliamentary elections come into view. A recent poll indicated that more than 57% of respondents believed that the DPP's likely presidential candidate, Tsai Ing-wen, would be elected president. Tsai, currently the only candidate for the DPP presidential nomination, will unite the party. Other heavyweight candidates have already bowed out. Impacts The lack of a primary challenge will let Tsai move toward the centre on cross-Strait relations. A more moderate China policy will allow Tsai to prevent a rift with Washington, Taiwan's most important ally. The DPP's economic populism will prevent serious debate over heavily subsidised energy and healthcare. China would prefer a Kuomintang victory but will moderate its pre-election comments to avoid a backlash that helps the DPP.

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Faction versus Ideology: Mobilization Strategies in Taiwan's Elections

The China Quarterly ◽

10.1017/s0305741000034032 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 137 ◽

pp. 28-62 ◽

Cited By ~ 19

Author(s):

Joseph Bosco

Keyword(s):

Secretary General ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Nationalist Party ◽

Opposition Party ◽

Progressive Party

On 2 December 1989, voters on Taiwan cast ballots to elect national legislators (lifaweiyuan), provincial and city representatives (sheng/shiyiyuari) and county executives (xianzhang). Though the Nationalist Party (KMT) received 59 per cent of the overall vote, the election was widely viewed as a surprising success for the fledgling opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), since the KMT had polled over 70 per cent of the vote in all previous elections. James Soong, Secretary-General of the KMT, announced after an emergency meeting of the shocked KMT leadership, “We calmly accept an upset.”

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Multiple Shades of China’s Taiwan Policy after the 19th Party Congress

Journal of Asian and African Studies ◽

10.1177/0021909620905063 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 55 (2) ◽

pp. 201-220

Author(s):

Wei-chin Lee

Keyword(s):

Soft Power ◽

Domestic Politics ◽

Global Politics ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Xi Jinping ◽

Party Government ◽

Republic Of China ◽

Political Landscape ◽

Progressive Party ◽

Party Congress

The study begins with descriptions of the changing political landscape of Taiwan’s domestic politics and China’s increasingly influential role in global politics to show the strategic terrain of asymmetric relations between the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan (cross-Strait relations) and some lessons of Taiwan’s 2016 elections. It attempts to delineate the 19th Party Congress report for meaningful contemplation of and conjecture about China’s purposes and policies in dealing with the prickly Taiwan issue. In essence, China’s policy under Xi Jinping after the 19th Party Congress has been characterized by a dualist approach in which a soft power charm offensive has been the primary strategy to appeal to the Taiwanese public, whereas coercive measures in the diplomatic arena and military sphere have served as the supplementary approach to pressure the Democratic Progressive Party government.

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The Democratic Progressive Party in 2000: Obstacles and Opportunities

The China Quarterly ◽

10.1017/s0009443901000559 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 168 ◽

pp. 944-959 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Shelley Rigger

Keyword(s):

Presidential Election ◽

Political System ◽

Political Power ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Opposition Party ◽

National Office ◽

Progressive Party

Since its inception in 1986, Taiwan's main opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has struggled to establish itself as a competitor for national political power. The victory of DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian in the 2000 presidential election marked a major breakthrough, not only for the DPP, but for Taiwan's young democracy as well. This article examines the party's history with an eye to explaining both its extended failure to win national office and its eventual success. The paper identifies two sets of factors: aspects of Taiwan's political system that worked to the advantage of the ruling KMT and historical errors committed by the DPP. It then shows how the KMT's advantages degraded in 2000, just as the DPP overcame its self-imposed liabilities, resulting in a DPP presidency.

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Taiwan's State and Social Movements Under the DPP Government, 2000–2004

Journal of East Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s1598240800002058 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 5 (3) ◽

pp. 401-425 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

Ming-sho Ho

Keyword(s):

Social Movements ◽

Social Movement ◽

Economic Recession ◽

Contentious Politics ◽

Political Orientation ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Opportunity Structure ◽

Conservative Policy ◽

Movement Strategy ◽

Progressive Party

This article explores the evolution of social movement politics under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government (2000–2004) by using the perspective of political opportunity structure. Recent “contentious politics” in Taiwan is analyzed in terms of four changing dimensions of the opportunity structure. First, the DPP government opens some policy channels, and social movement activists are given chances to work within the institution. Yet other features of the political landscape are less favorable to movement activists. Incumbent elites' political orientation shifts. As the economic recession sets in, there is a conservative policy turn. Political instability incurs widespread countermoblization to limit reform. Last, the Pan-Blue camp, now in opposition, devises its own social movement strategy. Some social movement issues gain political salience as a consequence of the intervention of the opposition parties, but its excessive opportunism also encourages the revolt of antireform forces. As a result of these countervailing factors, social movements have made only limited gains from the recent turnover of power.

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The One-China Principle: The Positions of the Communist Party of China (CCP), the Kuomintang (KMT), and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)

American Foreign Policy Interests ◽

10.1080/10803920.2000.10392071 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 22 (6) ◽

pp. 22-31

Author(s):

Xu Shiquan

Keyword(s):

Communist Party ◽

Democratic Progressive Party ◽

Communist Party Of China ◽

The One ◽

Progressive Party

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Taiwanese Identity – Past Factors and Present Circumstances

Ethnologia Actualis ◽

10.2478/eas-2021-0013 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 20 (2) ◽

pp. 113-128

Author(s):

Pawel Sendyka

Keyword(s):

People’S Republic Of China ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

Republic Of China ◽

Taiwanese Identity ◽

The Republic ◽

The Taiwan Strait ◽

White Terror ◽

Nationalist Government ◽

The Military ◽

Do So

Abstract Taiwan is an island that off the coast of China. To say that Taiwan is a country is to offend the Communist People’s Republic of China which claims sovereignty over the island and markets it to the world as a “renegade province” which must be re-united with the mainland, by force, if necessary. For people who know very little about Taiwan and its big neighbour across the Taiwan Strait this may even sound convincing, but the truth is more complex. In 1949 the nationalist government (Kuomintang or KMT) having lost the Chinese Civil War retreated from the mainland; the communists have never ruled the island. The settling of the Republic of China’s government in Taiwan and the era of “White Terror” was another one in a series of historical events that were fundamental in forming the modern Taiwanese identity. Whatever the proponents of “one China” claim, the truth of the matter is that there is a shift in attitudes of the inhabitants of Taiwan in how they feel about themselves (Taiwanese, Chinese or both). This is a crucial fact that will have to be acknowledged in the cross-strait relations. The identity argument as such, is independent of any historical claims. And this Taiwanese identity has been evolving and will continue to do so, shaped by the past and the most recent events like the Hong Kong protests, the pandemic, politics and the military aggression and intimidation by the People’s Republic of China. This article will examine these factors in turn.

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