Antitotalitarian language in Poland: Some mechanisms of linguistic self-defense

1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Wierzbicka

ABSTRACTThis article explores the concept of political diglossia, a phenomenon arising in totalitarian or semitotalitarian countries, where the language of official propaganda gives rise to its opposite: the unofficial, underground language of antipropaganda. The author studies one semantic domain – the colloquial designations of the political police and security forces in contemporary Poland – and compares them with the official designations. The semantics of the relevant words and expressions is studied in great detail so that the social attitudes encoded in them can be revealed and rigorously compared. To achieve this, the author relies on the natural semantic metalanguage that she has developed over the last two decades, which has already been applied in the study of many other semantic domains, in many different languages. The social and political attitudes encoded in the Polish expressions referring to the security apparatus are discussed against the background of Poland's history. The author shows that language is not only the best “mirror of mind” (Leibniz) and “mirror of culture” and “guide to social reality” (Sapir), but also a mirror of history and politics. (Sociolinguistics, pragmatics, semantics, language of propaganda, expressive language)

10.12737/1253 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 58-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Троицкая ◽  
Tatyana Troitskaya

The paper dwells upon the pragmatics of the political PR-text in the communicative environment of the Internet, the main advantages of which are multimedia and hypertextuality. Skillful constructing of the social reality in PR-discourse directs addressee’s perception in the proper way. The author analyses discursive strategies of presentation and politicians’ selfpresentation, his opponents’ discredit on the basis of German pre-elective PR-texts; singles out and describes addressee’s persuasive tactics and their linguistic realization.


1970 ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Taha

The discussion of the four categories of ending and closure in modern Arabic literature in terms of openness and closedness clearly indicates the interrelations between the ending and the model of the textual reality, and the interrelations between this model and the extra-literary reality. It seems that when the historical, and especially the political and the social reality slaps writers across the face and stands before them in all its might and immediacy, they do not remain indifferent and write a literature with optimistic, promising, and closed endings; and vice versa: a text with a model of reality which does not relate to a well defined piece of history ends with a more open type of ending and becomes a closure in the reader.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-432
Author(s):  
Dong-Kyun Im

In the last decades, enhancing social trust and improving social quality have been often considered as the antidote to the problems produced by the neoliberal makeover of the social life. However, it remains unclear whether higher social quality and trust actually produce more pro-social attitudes among people. Based on a statistical analysis of a cross-national survey administered in five countries, this article shows that social quality and social trust, as empirical indicators of the social, do not always generate pro-social attitudes. It demonstrates that perceived social quality and trust on social institutions can generate both conservative and liberal attitudes toward social welfare and taxation. In order to explain the varying effects of social quality and trust, we propose a heuristic model of political cognition and motivation, which illustrates how the political variety of the social is possible. Our model highlights the contextual contingencies of the political meaning of the social.


Author(s):  
Jan Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville-Juhani Ilmarinen

AbstractWe investigated the attitudes of the 11,410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity–masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-181
Author(s):  
Valdemaras Klumbys

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if ) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most important periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women’s situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘traditional- liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville Juhani Ilmarinen

We investigated the attitudes of the 11410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity-masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Hoover Wilson ◽  
Julie Y. Huang

AbstractThis commentary places Jussim (2012) in dialogue with sociological perspectives on social reality and the political-academic nature of scientific paradigms. Specifically, we highlight how institutions, observers, and what is being observed intersect, and discuss the implications of this intersection on measurement within the social world. We then identify similarities between Jussim's specific narrative regarding social perception research, with noted patterns of scientific change.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 593-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Reicher

In this paper, I argue that the study of crowds provides important lessons for social psychology in four key areas. First, it reveals the political influences which shaped and continue to shape the questions we ask and the answers we provide. Second, it demonstrates the importance of a methodological strategy which attends to real-world phenomena and the ability of theory to make sense of them. Third, it generates new theoretical insights and conceptual paradigms which have relevance to social psychology in general. Fourth, it provides new insights into the way that the social relations which constitute everyday social reality are created, consolidated, and changed. In sum, I suggest that the crowd is uniquely fertile ground in which to investigate the subject matter of social psychology.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 365-377
Author(s):  
Amrin Saragih

Grammatical metaphor refers to the coding of meaning or experience in the manner as if the meaning or experience were coded by another lexicogrammatical coding.  Metaphorical representation implies that there are two manners of coding, namely the congruent or literal and incongruent or metaphorical coding.  Transgrammatical semantic domains extends meaning by a range of grammatical units.  Transgrammatical semantic coding implies that agnated meanings are realized by more than one semantic unit.  Grammtical metaphor representation inherently contains transgrammatical coding.  This paper addresses grammatical metaphor commonly used in texts of science, technology and academics, which are very difficult for Indonesian students to understand and translate into good bahasa Indonesia (BI).  By applying knowledge or competence of gramatical metaphor and transgrammatical semantic domain Indonesian students are expected to effectively learn the meaning of English text of science, technology and academics and to translate the texts into good BI. 


Author(s):  
Luca Serafini

Platform capitalism brings several processes to completion that were already apparent during post-industrial capitalism. One of these involves images and their gradual loss of a symbolic dimension. The mechanisms that platforms employ to direct the production of media content reduce images to objects of immediate use and consumption. Consequently, images fail to synthetise the multiplicity of the social reality: instead of inscribing it within a horizon of meaning, they simply reflect it. This article reconstructs the “de-symbolising” process of images during the various phases of capitalism and explains why a post-symbolic aesthetics should also be viewed as “impolitical”. If the political is indeed symbolic, since the giving of meaning and direction to society (a political task par excellence) also takes place through the construction of symbolic systems, the post-symbolic aesthetic is instead imposed by platforms for purely economic reasons.


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