scholarly journals Memory of the UK’s 2016 EU Referendum: The effects of valence on the long-term measures of a flashbulb memory.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine Raw ◽  
Alice Rorke ◽  
JUDITH ANN ELLIS ◽  
Kou Murayama ◽  
Michiko Sakaki

Emotional public events, relative to non-emotional ones, are typically remembered more accurately, more vividly and with more confidence. Such memories are referred to as flashbulb memories. However, the majority of previous studies on this phenomenon have focused on negative public events and less is known about positive ones. The current study examined whether positive and negative public events were remembered in a similar manner by assessing individuals’ memory for the time when they learned the results of the UK’s 2016 Referendum on its European Union (EU) membership. Participants included UK residents who voted to ‘leave’ the EU in the referendum and found the event highly positive, UK residents who voted to ‘remain’ in the EU and found the event highly negative, and US residents who did not vote and found the event neutral. Data from a total of 845 participants were assessed at four time points over the course of 16 months. Growth curve modelling showed that differences in memory between Remain voters (who reported the highest levels of negative emotion) and Leave voters (who reported the highest levels of positive emotion) emerged over time. Specifically, Remain voters maintained higher levels of memory consistency than Leave voters, while Leave voters maintained higher levels of memory confidence than Remain voters. These results indicate that positive and negative public events are remembered differently, such that negative valence enhances memory accuracy, while positive valence results in overconfidence.

European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Manfred Weber

The EU has a fundamental interest in having a constructive relationship with Turkey. However, the EU–Turkey relationship has become strained over recent years. This is why EU–Turkey relations need a new start, based on honesty about the long-term goal: EU membership is not an option for Turkey. Instead, the EU and Turkey should focus on concrete fields of cooperation. Humanitarian aid in the refugee crisis is a good example of a field in which a joint solution has been successful, as is the protection of the common external border. More joint action from the EU and Turkey is needed as regards the situation in Syria and Iraq. Turkey must overcome its democratic shortcomings. Further economic cooperation will depend on the application of the rule of law in Turkey.


Subject The government's preferred timetable for the UK referendum on EU membership. Significance The EU membership referendum will be a major event in both EU and UK political and commercial life. Prime Minister David Cameron's official position is that the poll could take place any time before end-2017. He is less concerned about the likely outcome of the referendum, which he is confident will produce an 'in' result, than about achieving a margin in favour of membership that decisively settles the question and minimises the damage to the Conservative Party arising from the process. Impacts The most likely referendum date is September 15, 2016. This timetable would make the key renegotiation period the first half of 2016, when the sympathetic Dutch government chairs the EU Council. The German government would also prefer the UK referendum to be dealt with relatively quickly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 14-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Portes

Immigration and free movement are central issues in the UK's referendum on EU membership. Although free movement was a founding principle of the EU, it only became of central economic and political importance after the expansion of the EU eastward in 2004. For the UK, the economic impacts of recent EU migration appear to have been relatively benign, even for the low paid and low skilled. The UK's recent ‘renegotiation’, which focused on the largely irrelevant issue of ‘benefit tourism’, will make little difference. A vote to Leave, however, will potentially take us into new territory for UK immigration policy,


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Helen Thompson

Abstract Although Brexit had its short-term roots in economic and constitutional legitimation issues, it cannot be explained without considering the European geopolitical space, the EU's contrasting political formations in the security and economic spheres, and the fault lines these produce. Seen from a long-term geopolitical perspective, there have been recurrent problems in Britain's efforts to deal with the EU and its predecessors, and persistent patterns of crisis. The geopolitical environment, especially around NATO and energy security in the Middle East, first rendered non-membership of the EEC a problem, then made entry impossible for a decade, helped make EU membership politically very difficult for British governments to sustain, and then constrained the May governments’ Article 50 negotiations. These problems have a singularly British shape, but they cannot be separated from more general fault lines in the European geopolitical space.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Marie-Louise Beintmann

<p>Research using mood induction (Wapner, Werner & Krus, 1957) or positive/negative word stimuli, (Meier & Robinson, 2004) as well as studies using participants pre-existing neurotic/depressive symptoms (Meier & Robinson, 2006) have documented the ability of emotional stimuli and states to shift attention upwards (positive emotion) or downwards (negative emotion) in space. This study aimed to investigate whether this impact of emotion on vertical attention extended to briefly presented facial expressions. A within-subjects, modified version of Meier and Robinson’s (2004) Study 2 formed the design for these experiments. Experiments 1- 4 tested the ability of arrows, shapes and emotional facial expressions to shift vertical attention. Results indicate that for both schematic (Exp.2) and real (Exp. 4) faces, positive valence (happy expression) shifted attention upwards, but there was no evidence of the negative valence (sad expression) shifting attention downwards, giving partial support to the conceptual metaphor theory. No evidence of positive valence broadening - or negative valence narrowing - vertical attention was found in support of Fredrickson’s broaden-and-build theory (Exps.2 & 4). The current research has provided partial further support for the conceptual metaphor theory and advanced knowledge in the area of emotion and vertical attention using pictorial stimuli such as facial expressions. It also provides some direction for future research in this area, highlighting key issues to be resolved.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Constantinos Ikonomou

A long-term assessment of the EU integration process is attempted for the1971-2015 period, by comparing per capita Gross Domestic Product (in constant Purchasing Power Parities) and its change, for EU-15 and non-EU states that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. A growing divergence is found between Greece but also Portugal and the EU southern periphery on the one hand, and Luxembourg, Ireland and Scandinavian states on the other that have benefi ted from EU integration, especially after the Eurozone was formed. Those EU-15 members that have joined the Eurozone have not benefi ted as much as non-members. It is suggested that two types of states can be trapped by the integration process: The relative or absolute losers of the currency zone, like Greece and states like the UK that have benefi ted less from integration, while choosing to remain at an earlier integration stage. Given the mix of monetary and fi scal policies pursued, resolving the former problem will require setting-up a common production union to advance competitiveness and co-operation, while solution to the latter should avoid the risk of disintegration and of the permanent loss of EU membership.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Marie-Louise Beintmann

<p>Research using mood induction (Wapner, Werner & Krus, 1957) or positive/negative word stimuli, (Meier & Robinson, 2004) as well as studies using participants pre-existing neurotic/depressive symptoms (Meier & Robinson, 2006) have documented the ability of emotional stimuli and states to shift attention upwards (positive emotion) or downwards (negative emotion) in space. This study aimed to investigate whether this impact of emotion on vertical attention extended to briefly presented facial expressions. A within-subjects, modified version of Meier and Robinson’s (2004) Study 2 formed the design for these experiments. Experiments 1- 4 tested the ability of arrows, shapes and emotional facial expressions to shift vertical attention. Results indicate that for both schematic (Exp.2) and real (Exp. 4) faces, positive valence (happy expression) shifted attention upwards, but there was no evidence of the negative valence (sad expression) shifting attention downwards, giving partial support to the conceptual metaphor theory. No evidence of positive valence broadening - or negative valence narrowing - vertical attention was found in support of Fredrickson’s broaden-and-build theory (Exps.2 & 4). The current research has provided partial further support for the conceptual metaphor theory and advanced knowledge in the area of emotion and vertical attention using pictorial stimuli such as facial expressions. It also provides some direction for future research in this area, highlighting key issues to be resolved.</p>


Subject The Labour Party's Dan Jarvis MP. Significance There is an emerging consensus within the parliamentary group of the main opposition Labour Party that Dan Jarvis, member of Parliament (MP) for Barnsley Central, is a credible centrist alternative party leader. Impacts Labour will spend much of this year arguing internally about the renewal of the Trident nuclear deterrent. Echoing the EU membership question for Conservatives, positions on Trident will be definitive in Labour for potential leadership figures. The likely impact on Labour of a parliamentary vote on Trident means the latter's 2016 timing could be linked to that of the EU referendum.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-78
Author(s):  
Marco Montanari

The EU has recently launched the European Neighbourhood Policy, aimed at fostering integration with countries located close to its borders. This article proposes a liberal intergovernmentalist framework for the analysis of Ukraine's prospects of integration with the EU and apply it to evaluate the main economic and political benefits and costs associated to three possible scenarios: free trade area, fully developed European Neighbourhood Policy and EU accession. Two main conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, gains from integration would be asymmetrically distributed and would mostly accrue to Ukraine, whilst the main obstacles to integration would not be economic, but political. Secondly, the European Neighbourhood Policy does not represent a credible long-term alternative to EU membership for Ukraine; thus the outcome of the integration process should probably consist either in the mere creation of a free trade area or in EU accession.


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-278
Author(s):  
Stephan Klasen

Abstract There is renewed interest in Europe to deepen trade with Africa in the hope that this will reduce migrant flows. While improved trade with Africa will not reduce but likely stimulate migrant flows, it could promote African development and further European long-term economic interests. To deepen trade, this article argues for further trade integration with North Africa with a long-term EU membership perspective. To further trade with Sub Saharan Africa, it suggests greater use of unilateral trade opening on the part of the EU, including more flexible application of rules of origin.


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