scholarly journals The European Geopolitical Space and the Long Path to Brexit (The Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture 2020)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Helen Thompson

Abstract Although Brexit had its short-term roots in economic and constitutional legitimation issues, it cannot be explained without considering the European geopolitical space, the EU's contrasting political formations in the security and economic spheres, and the fault lines these produce. Seen from a long-term geopolitical perspective, there have been recurrent problems in Britain's efforts to deal with the EU and its predecessors, and persistent patterns of crisis. The geopolitical environment, especially around NATO and energy security in the Middle East, first rendered non-membership of the EEC a problem, then made entry impossible for a decade, helped make EU membership politically very difficult for British governments to sustain, and then constrained the May governments’ Article 50 negotiations. These problems have a singularly British shape, but they cannot be separated from more general fault lines in the European geopolitical space.

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


Significance Uncertainty following the Brexit vote has led to a downgrading of Danish economic forecasts. Growth has been sluggish since the financial crisis and in terms of productivity Denmark is falling behind its neighbours. The government has proposed tax cuts to boost employment and growth. Impacts Greater economic and financial integration of euro-area countries could lead to Denmark losing influence in the EU. Stricter immigration rules could exacerbate the skills shortage in the medium-to-long term, dampening economic growth. Smooth Brexit negotiations could lead the Eurosceptic right to demand a referendum on Danish EU membership.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rawand Essa

BACKGROUND In the span of COVID-19, the mortality rate has been different from one country to another. As a country in the Middle East Iraq has a critical position, lies between Iran and Turkey while both countries coronavirus cases increase on daily basis, while Iranian mortality rate record is high similar to Turkey. After Wuhan city of China, Lombard of Italy, Qum city in Iran has the highest number of COVID-19 as a first country in the Middle East. OBJECTIVE aim of this study is to show the effect of BCG vaccine during pandemic diseases, especially nowadays at the time of COVID-19. One of the crucial observations is the government preparedness and strategic planning prior pandemics, in which the BCG vaccine is an attenuated live vaccine for control of tuberculosis (TB). BCG vaccine has a non-specific immune effect that is used against pathogens like bacteria and viruses, through the promotion of pro-inflammatory cytokines' secretion. METHODS An epidemiological study has been performed, and it shows that some countries are more prone to contagious diseases like COVID-19, regardless of the main cultural, religious, societal similarities among the three mentioned countries. The information data has been collected from WHO reports and worldometer in 18 February 2020 to 10 May 2020. Regarding the efficacy of the BCG vaccine, relevant data has been retrieved from Google scholar, Pub-med and BCG world-atlas. RESULTS COVID-19 mortality rates are at peak in Iran and Turkey while the mortality rate is very low in Iraq, while the patients that died in Iraq all had history of other long-term diseases as heart disease, blood pressure, cancer etc. CONCLUSIONS From the experiences of the three countries in the life span of COVID-19, the historical plan of BCG vaccine in Iraq in cooperation with WHO since the last decades it shows that COVID-19 mortality rate is lower than other countries due to the early vaccination of the Iraqis, otherwise Iraq is more fragile than Iran and Turkey due to the poor conditions of Iraq in terms of economics, politics, war and other aspects.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 192-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Peerenboom

The 2011 revolutions in the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) led to considerable hope for some people that China would experience a similar political uprising, as well as considerable anxiety for the ruling regime. The government’s immediate response was to downplay the risk of a similar event occurring in China by distinguishing between China and MENA, while at the same time cracking down on activists and other potential sources of instability—including attempts to organize popular revolutionary protests in China. Although the government has so far managed to avoid a similar uprising, neither response has been entirely successful. Despite a number of significant diff erences between China and MENA countries, there are enough commonalities to justify concerns about political instability. Moreover, relying on repression alone is not a long-term solution to the justified demands of Chinese citizens for political reforms and social justice. Whether China will ultimately be able to avoid the fate of authoritarian regimes in MENA countries will turn on its ability to overcome a series of structural challenges while preventing sudden and unpredictable events, like those that gave rise to the Arab revolutions, from spinning out of control.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 628-644
Author(s):  
Andreas Musolff

(How) Can the use of hyperbole in metaphorical idioms and scenarios contribute to an increase in emotionalisation of public debates? Using a research corpus of quotations from British politicians speeches and interviews and of press texts 2016-2020, this paper investigates hyperbolic formulations in Brexit-related applications of the proverb You cannot have your cake and eat it and related scenarios of national liberation, which appear to have strongly boosted emotionalised public debates. For instance, Brexit proponents reversal of the cake proverb into the assertion, We can have our cake and eat it, and their figurative interpretation of Brexit as a war of liberation (against the EU) triggered highly emotional reactions: triumphant affirmation among followers, fear and resentment among opponents. The paper argues that the combination of figurative speech (proverb, metaphor) with hyperbole heightened the emotional and polemical impact of the pro-Brexit argument. Whilst this effect may be deemed to have been rhetorically successful in the short term (e.g. in referendum and election campaigns), its long-term effect on political discourse is more ambivalent, for it leads to a polarisation and radicalisation of political discourse in Britain (as evidenced, for instance, in the massive use of hyperbole in COVID-19 debates). The study of hyperbole as a means of emotionalisation thus seems most promising as part of a discourse-historical investigation of socio-pragmatic effects of figurative (mainly, metaphorical) language use, rather than as an isolated, one-off rhetorical phenomenon.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Agus Saiful Abib ◽  
Efi Yulistyowati ◽  
Amri Panahatan Sihotang

<p>Tahun 2016, pemerintah mengeluarkan kembali kebijakan <em>Tax</em> <em>Amnesty </em>yang dituangkan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2016 tentang Pengampunan Pajak. Pengampunan Pajak (<em>Tax</em> <em>Amnesty)</em> ini diharapkan dapat meningkatkan penerimaan pajak dalam jangka pendek melalui pembayaran uang tebusan, meningkatkan penerimaan pajak dalam jangka panjang melalui perluasan basis data pemajakan, meningkatkan kepatuhan Wajib Pajak, transisi ke sistem perpajakan baru yang lebih kuat dan adil, dan mendorong rekonsiliasi perpajakan nasional. Sehubungan dengan hal tersebut, untuk mengetahui apakah program <em>Tax</em> <em>Amnesty</em> Indonesia Tahun 2016 berhasil atau tidak, khususnya dalam meningkatkan kepatuhan wajib pajak, maka perlu dilakukan penelitian tentang : “Implikasi Penerapan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2016 tentang Pengampunan Pajak (<em>Tax</em> <em>Amnesty</em>) dalam Meningkatkan Kepatuhan Wajib Pajak”. Adapun permasalahan yang akan dibahas adalah bagaimana implikasi penerapan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2016 tentang Pengampunan Pajak<em> (Tax</em> <em>Amnesty)</em> dalam meningkatkan kepatuhan Wajib Pajak ? Berdasarkan implikasi tersebut, maka bagaimana sebaiknya pengaturan perpajakan yang akan datang ? Berdasarkan permasalahan tersebut jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif yang akan dikaji dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, spesifikasi penelitiannya diskriptif analitis, data yang dipergunakan data sekunder, yang dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implikasi penerapan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2016 tentang Pengampunan Pajak<em> (Tax</em> <em>Amnesty)</em> dapat meningkatkan kepatuhan Wajib Pajak, dan berdasarkan implikasi tersebut SE Dirjen Pajak No. SE - 06/PJ/2017 seharusnya tidak hanya untuk tahun pajak 2017 saja, tetapi juga untuk tahun-tahun yang akan datang. Di samping itu perlu ada peraturan yang mengatur tentang pengawasan terhadap pelaksanaan hak Wajib Pajak.</p><pre>In 2016, the government re-issue the Tax Amnesty policy as outlined in Law Number 11 Year 2016 on Tax Amnesty. The Tax Amnesty is expected to increase tax revenue in the short term through ransom payments, increase tax revenues over the long term through the expansion of taxation databases, increase taxpayer compliance, transition to a stronger and more just tax system, and encourage national tax reconciliation. In relation to this matter, to find out whether the program of Tax Amnesty Indonesia Year 2016 succeed or not, especially in increasing taxpayer compliance, it is necessary to do research on: "Implications Implementation of Law Number 11 Year 2016 on Tax Amnesty in Improving Taxpayer Compliance ". The problem to be discussed is how the implications of the implementation of Law Number 11 Year 2016 on Tax Amendment (Tax Amnesty) in improving taxpayer compliance? Based on these implications, then how should the taxation arrangements to come? Based on the problem, this type of research is normative juridical which will be studied with the approach of legislation, the analytical descriptive research specification, the data used secondary data, which analyzed qualitatively. The result of the research shows that the implication of the implementation of Law Number 11 Year 2016 on Tax Amnesty can improve Taxpayer compliance, and based on the implication of SE Dirjen Pajak No. SE - 06 / PJ / 2017 should not only be for the fiscal year 2017 alone, but also for the years to come. In addition, there should be a regulation that regulates the supervision of the implementation of taxpayers' rights.</pre>


Author(s):  
Stefano Battiston ◽  
Monica Billio ◽  
Irene Monasterolo

The outbreak of COVID-19 and the containment measures are having an unprecedented socio-economic impact in the European Union (EU) and elsewhere. The policies introduced so far in the EU countries promote a ‘business as usual’ economic recovery. This short-term strategy may jeopardise the mid-to-long-term sustainability and financial stability objectives. In contrast, strengthening the socio-economic resilience against future pandemics, as well as other shocks, calls for recovery measures that are fully aligned to the objectives of the EU Green Deal and of the EU corporate taxation policy. Tackling these long-term objectives is not more costly than funding the current short-term measures. Remarkably, it may be the only way to build resilience to future crises.


The western hype over Abraham Accords is evident from their exploitation of the overused phrase “historical moment” in international relations. A shift in Arab-Israeli relations has been stamped with the signing of Abraham Accords, whereby the Arab veto over the recognition of the Palestinian state, in return for Israeli recognition, is practically over. The unexpected shift of alliances in Middle East have defined new battle lines. Israel has joined forces with UAE, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia – against perhaps Iran and Turkey. Despite the commitment to halt further settlements, Palestine is the ultimate victim. The two-state solution, in spirit, is all but buried. Comprehensive peace processes are multi-level and multi-layered and involve pragmatic efforts to build the widest consensus possible around a shared future. However, Abraham Accords lacks just that; it is both elitist and imposed. The paper is an attempt to explore the changing ground realities by exploring both history and the contemporary scenario. It examines both long-term and short-term impact of the accords on the stakeholders and the regional players.


1964 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 26-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. A. H. Godley ◽  
J. R. Shepherd

One of the main aims of short-term economic policy in Britain has been to regulate the pressure of demand for labour, and to keep the fluctuations of the unemployment percentage within fairly narrow limits. High unemployment is obviously undesirable; at the other end of the scale, if the pressure of demand for labour is too strong, this tends to lead to excessively high wage increases and to balance of payments difficulties. It is for the Government to decide at what pressure it wishes to run the economy, and to try to keep it there.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 5969
Author(s):  
Kateryna Yakovenko ◽  
Matúš Mišík

The COVID-19 pandemic appeared in the midst of developing the European Green Deal, the most ambitious project to decarbonise the EU’s economy to date. Among other issues, the project highlighted the challenges connected to the long-term role of natural gas as a fossil fuel in the European economy. Moreover, the changes to the gas architecture caused by the development of new import infrastructure (especially Nord Stream and its extension, which is currently under construction) put additional pressure on the transit countries, mainly of which are linked to the Brotherhood pipeline. These have been strong supporters of natural gas utilisation and harsh critics of new pipelines that circumvent their territories, as they consider energy transit to be an important part of their energy sectors. This research examines the political discourse on gas transit in Slovakia and Ukraine in order to identify the main arguments connected to these positions. The paper examines a total of 233 textual units from both countries for the period 2014–2018. It concludes that, while Ukraine sees transit predominantly through the lens of cooperation with the EU and other actors, the Slovak political discourse considers gas transit in terms of energy security and the availability of gas for the national economy.


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