scholarly journals Coercive control: Patterns in crimes, arrests and outcomes for a new domestic abuse offence

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Brennan ◽  
Andy Myhill

Critics of the criminalisation of coercive control warned that the criminal justice system was ill-prepared for a conceptualisation of domestic abuse that relies on victim accounts of fear and manipulation rather than on evidence of violence. Using data obtained through freedom of information requests to police forces and aggregated police records, this paper presents police force-level and nationwide patterns in recorded crimes, police arrests and crime outcomes for this new crime and shows that, nationally, the number of recorded crimes and arrests rose steadily, but there was significant variation in these patterns between police forces. Analysing police outcomes, we demonstrate that coercive control crimes face greater evidential challenges and are far less likely to result in prosecution than domestic abuse crimes in general. We discuss their implications of these trends and findings for the policing and criminalisation of coercive control.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Brennan ◽  
Andy Myhill ◽  
Giulia Tagliaferri ◽  
Jacki Tapley

Objective: Following a pre-registered study design, estimate the effect of police force-wide domestic abuse training on arrests for the new crime of ‘controlling or coercive behaviour’.Methods: Using data on monthly count of arrest for controlling or coercive behaviour in 33 police forces, we used a negative binomial difference-in-difference analysis and capitalised on differences in intervention timing to undertake an event study.Results: Training was associated with a 41% increase in arrest for controlling or coercive behaviour for trained forces compared to untrained forces (IRR 1.413, 95% CI 1.235–1.617). The event study illustrated that the increase in arrests in trained forces was consistent with the timing of the training.Conclusions: Training entire police forces to understand the dynamics of domestic abuse, including the new offence of coercive control, is effective in increasing the rate of arrest for coercive control.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002201832110505
Author(s):  
Amy Elkington

Abused women who are coerced to commit crime have no adequate legal defence. Historically, martial coercion may have been pled, but since its repeal and lack of replacement, abused women have been left without adequate protection in the criminal justice system. Duress would seem to be the logical defence in such a situation, but its construction by the courts means that women are still left with no defence. If a woman resists the coercion to commit crime, and instead protects herself against the abuse, she will equally have no suitable defence. Parliament were presented with the opportunity to rectify this problem when passing the Domestic Abuse Act 2021, but despite the Lords’ support, proposals were rejected by the Commons. Whilst research shows that crime committed under coercive control is not an insignificant problem, the current law does not protect some of the most vulnerable from prosecution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 930-948
Author(s):  
Siobhan Weare

Abstract Extensive research exists in relation to the Sexual Offences Act 2003, in particular, rape and assault by penetration, the two most serious offences involving non-consensual sexual penetration of the victim. However, the other penetrative offence, causing a person to engage in (penetrative) sexual activity without consent, found in section 4 of the Act, has, to date, been excluded from national statistics and research. This article analyses novel data relating to the section 4 penetrative offence, collected using freedom of information requests from 37 police forces in England and Wales over a 13-year period. The data explore victim and offender demographics and outcomes after detection. The findings challenge understandings around who the victims and perpetrators of penetrative sexual offences are.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda L Robinson ◽  
Andy Myhill ◽  
Julia Wire

Coercive control is harmful behaviour recently criminalized in England and Wales. The extent to which the work of practitioners is informed by an understanding of coercive control therefore requires investigation. Using data from two mixed methods multi-site studies, this article suggests that practitioners’ recognition of coercive control does not seem to be universally poor or skilled, but rather depends on the characteristics of the situation itself, the organizational context in which practitioners work and the stage at which they are evaluating whether coercive control is present. The absence of a clear understanding of the importance of coercive control when making judgements about victims and perpetrators has serious implications for the efficacy of current approaches to domestic abuse. Purposeful and systematic efforts to support practitioners to recognize and respond effectively to coercive control are required.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (06) ◽  
pp. 1097-1121 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSAN MARY BENBOW ◽  
SARMISHTHA BHATTACHARYYA ◽  
PAUL KINGSTON

ABSTRACTDomestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) are conducted when an individual aged 16 or over appears to have died from violence, abuse or neglect by a person to whom they are related or with whom they are in an intimate relationship or who is a member of the same household. DHRs aim to identify lessons to be learned, to improve service responses to domestic abuse and to contribute to prevention of domestic abuse/homicide. We submitted Freedom of Information requests to English Local Authorities to identify DHRs where victim, perpetrator or both were aged over 60. Collected Reports and/or Executive Summaries were thematically analysed. Analysis identified four key themes in the context of the key relationship and caring: major mental illness of the perpetrator; drug and/or alcohol abuse; financial issues; and a history of domestic abuse in key or family relationships. We analysed 14 adult family homicides, 16 intimate partner homicides and five homicide–suicides. Age per se did not emerge as a significant factor in our analysis. Terminology needs to be standardised, and training/education regarding risk assessment needs to be improved in relation to age, myths around ageing/dementia and stresses of caring. Management of mental illness is a key factor. A central repository of DHR Reports accessible for research and subject to regular review would contribute to maximising learning and improving practice.


Rheumatology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jatin Mistry ◽  
Diane Hill ◽  
Ailsa Bosworth ◽  
Arvind Kaul

Abstract Background/Aims  NICE publishes guidance underpinned by act of Parliament and legally enforceable, on the use of biological therapies in the treatment of rheumatoid arthritis (RA), psoriatic arthritis (PsA) and ankylosing spondylitis (AS) which should allow harmonisation of access independent of region. However, sufficient guidance is not provided on the use of sequential biologics nor is a numerical cap placed on the number of biologics a patient can attempt if they have had an inadequate response. We have previously reported that in a limited sample, Clinical Commissioning Groups (CCGs) interpret NICE guidance variably and restrict access to NICE approved treatments depending on geography, the so-called “postcode lottery”. We determined the variability of biologics pathways in all CCG’s in England to examine whether a potentially unfair postcode lottery exists for sequential biologics use. Methods  All 135 England CCGs covering over 55 million people, were sent Freedom of Information requests, for their biologic pathways for RA, PsA and AS. Where CCGs did not have this information, the relevant acute trusts were contacted, with responses recorded under that CCG. For every CCG the local biologics pathways were examined for detail on the number and type of biologics commissioned before an Individual Funding Request was needed. “No Cap” was recorded if CCG’s responded with no restriction on the number of biologics. Results  Responses were obtained from 124/135 CCG’s for RA, 122/135 for PsA and AS, all covering an estimated population in excess of 45 million people. For RA, 55% CCG’s had no cap on the number of commissioned RA biologics. 45% had a variable cap from 3 to 6 commissioned biologics. For PsA, the figures were 54% with no cap and 46% with variable capping between 2-5 biologics allowed, for AS the figures were 51% and 49% respectively. In total this represented 41 different local pathways for RA, 29 different pathways for PsA and in AS where fewer biologics choices exist, 25 different pathways depending on CCG and location. Conclusion  There is wide regional variation in the interpretation of NICE guidance by CCG’s resulting in many different local pathways depending on geography. Approximately 50% of pathways restricted biologics prescribing by mandating the type and sequence of biologics used, potentially compromising patient care and delaying treatment by requiring an IFR for a NICE approved biologic. Moreover, pathways varied as to which biologics could be used at any point of management by region as well. As exemplars of good practice, approximately 50% of CCG’s had no cap, allowing clinical freedom to prescribe the most appropriate biologic. The results of this national study demonstrate the variability of biologics pathways in many areas of England ensuring a postcode lottery still exists in many regions. Disclosure  J. Mistry: None. D. Hill: None. A. Bosworth: None. A. Kaul: None.


2016 ◽  
Vol 77 (7) ◽  
pp. 382-383
Author(s):  
Samuel S Folkard ◽  
Arun Ray ◽  
David Ricketts ◽  
Benedict A Rogers

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Iain Brennan ◽  
Andy Myhill ◽  
Giulia Tagliaferri ◽  
Jacki Tapley

2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052098039
Author(s):  
Valeria Skafida ◽  
Fiona Morrison ◽  
John Devaney

Domestic abuse is a pernicious societal issue that has both short- and long-term consequences for those who are victimized. Research points to motherhood being linked to women’s victimization, with pregnancy being a particular point of risk. Across UK jurisdictions, new legislation aims to extend the criminalization of domestic abuse to include coercive control. Less clear is the relationship between mothers’ victimization of different “types” of abuse and other factors such as age, socioeconomic status, and level of education. The article makes an original contribution to knowledge by addressing these limitations of the existing literature. Using nationally representative data from a Scottish longitudinal survey ( N = 3,633) into children’s development this article investigates the social stratification of mothers’ exposure to different types of abuse, including coercive control, physical abuse, and threats. Overall, 14% of mothers report experiencing any type of domestic abuse since the birth of the study child (age 6), of which 7% experienced physical abuse. Compared to mothers in the highest income households, mothers in the lowest income quintile were far more likely to experience any form of abuse (Logistic Regression, OR = 3.55), more likely to have experienced more types of abuse and to have experienced these more often ( OR = 5.54). Age had a protective effect, with mothers aged 20 or younger at most risk of abuse ( OR = 2.60 compared to mothers aged 40+). Interaction effects between age and income suggested that an intersectional lens may help explain the cumulative layers of difficulty which young mothers on low incomes may find themselves in when it comes to abusive partners. The pattern of social stratification remained the same when comparing different types of abuse. Mothers of boys were more likely to experience abuse, and to experience more types of abuse, more often. We reflect on how these findings could inform existing policy interventions.


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