scholarly journals Perfil sociodemográfico y actitudes políticas de los grupos a favor y en contra de limitar la libre circulación de información durante la pandemia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidia Valera-Ordaz ◽  
Doménech-Beltrán
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Standardized Residuals ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
Sociodemographic Profile ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Los Grupos

The Covid-19 pandemic has produced not only a terrible sanitary crisis but also several problems related to the circulation of disinformation in the context of hybrid and increasingly fragmented media systems. In this work, we analyze a polemical question included in the Center for Sociological Research (CIS) survey conducted in April about the appropriateness of limiting free circulation of information to avoid diffusion of fake news and disinformation. The goals are to (1) analyze the sociodemographic traits of those in favor of limiting the free circulation of information, and (2) explore their general political preferences and affiliations, and the association with attitudes regarding freedom of information. The results obtained through a quantitative methodological approach based on contingency tables and standardized residuals indicate that the most common sociodemographic profile of those in favor of limiting the flow of information is the following: young women (between 18 and 25 years) with secondary education who live in small municipalities and belong to the lower social class. Moreover, the findings illustrate that there is a significant statistical association between supporting the limitation of information and different indicators of supporting the Socialist government: voting and sympathizing with the Socialist Party, self-location in the extreme left, and trusting both the central government management of the crisis and the leadership of Pedro Sánchez. Resumen La pandemia ocasionada por la crisis de la Covid-19 ha supuesto no sólo una terrible crisis sanitaria, sino importantes problemas relacionados con la difusión de desinformación en el contexto de sistemas mediáticos híbridos y crecientemente fragmentados. Analizamos la polémica pregunta del CIS (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas) sobre la pertinencia de limitar la libre circulación de información para restringir la difusión de bulos y noticias falsas. El objetivo es: 1) analizar las características sociodemográficas básicas de quienes se declararon partidarios de restringir la libre circulación informativa, y 2) explorar sus inclinaciones políticas e ideológicas, y su asociación con las actitudes en torno a la libertad informativa. Así, mediante una metodología cuantitativa basada en tablas de contingencia y residuos tipificados corregidos, los resultados reflejan que el perfil sociodemográfico más frecuente entre los partidarios de limitar la libertad informativa es el de una mujer joven (entre 18 y 25 años), con estudios secundarios, que vive en municipios pequeños y declara pertenecer a la clase social baja. Además, los resultados ilustran que existe una asociación estadística significativa entre apoyar la restricción informativa y diversos indicadores de apoyo al Gobierno central: votar y simpatizar con el PSOE, situarse en la extrema izquierda, confiar en la gestión de la pandemia del Gobierno central y confiar en su presidente.

scholarly journals Perfil sociodemográfico y actitudes políticas de los grupos a favor y en contra de limitar la libre circulación de información durante la pandemia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidia Valera-Ordaz ◽  
Jaume Doménech-Beltrán
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Standardized Residuals ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
Sociodemographic Profile ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Los Grupos

The Covid-19 pandemic has produced not only a terrible sanitary crisis but also several problems related to the circulation of disinformation in the context of hybrid and increasingly fragmented media systems. In this work, we analyze a polemical question included in the Center for Sociological Research (CIS) survey conducted in April about the appropriateness of limiting free circulation of information to avoid diffusion of fake news and disinformation. The goals are to (1) analyze the sociodemographic traits of those in favor of limiting the free circulation of information, and (2) explore their general political preferences and affiliations, and the association with attitudes regarding freedom of information. The results obtained through a quantitative methodological approach based on contingency tables and standardized residuals indicate that the most common sociodemographic profile of those in favor of limiting the flow of information is the following: young women (between 18 and 25 years) with secondary education who live in small municipalities and belong to the lower social class. Moreover, the findings illustrate that there is a significant statistical association between supporting the limitation of information and different indicators of supporting the Socialist government: voting and sympathizing with the Socialist Party, self-location in the extreme left, and trusting both the central government management of the crisis and the leadership of Pedro Sánchez. Resumen La pandemia ocasionada por la crisis de la Covid-19 ha supuesto no sólo una terrible crisis sanitaria, sino importantes problemas relacionados con la difusión de desinformación en el contexto de sistemas mediáticos híbridos y crecientemente fragmentados. Analizamos la polémica pregunta del CIS (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas) sobre la pertinencia de limitar la libre circulación de información para restringir la difusión de bulos y noticias falsas. El objetivo es: 1) analizar las características sociodemográficas básicas de quienes se declararon partidarios de restringir la libre circulación informativa, y 2) explorar sus inclinaciones políticas e ideológicas, y su asociación con las actitudes en torno a la libertad informativa. Así, mediante una metodología cuantitativa basada en tablas de contingencia y residuos tipificados corregidos, los resultados reflejan que el perfil sociodemográfico más frecuente entre los partidarios de limitar la libertad informativa es el de una mujer joven (entre 18 y 25 años), con estudios secundarios, que vive en municipios pequeños y declara pertenecer a la clase social baja. Además, los resultados ilustran que existe una asociación estadística significativa entre apoyar la restricción informativa y diversos indicadores de apoyo al Gobierno central: votar y simpatizar con el PSOE, situarse en la extrema izquierda, confiar en la gestión de la pandemia del Gobierno central y confiar en su presidente.

10. Parliamentary Scrutiny of Central Government

Public Law ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Elliott ◽  
Robert Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Government Accountability ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Financial Accountability ◽  
Proper Role ◽  
Intelligence Services ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility

This chapter examines the accountability of the central government to Parliament. It addresses questions such as: what is Parliament’s proper role in scrutinising government? What does the constitutional convention of ministerial responsibility mean? And how does it operate in practice? The chapter also considers topics of particular importance to government accountability: freedom of information, accountability of the security and intelligence services, and financial accountability.

scholarly journals Methodological Approach to Studying Unintended Consequences of Digitalization in Education

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daria Goloukhova ◽  
Elena Kuzmina
Keyword(s):  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Complex Structure ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
Digital Technologies ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Analysis Errors

The article describes sociological research methodology referring to the problems of digitalization in education. The authors’ concept of digitalization is defined according to the specific aims of the study, emphasizing the peculiarities of the educational sphere. Digitalization in education can be considered as an introduction and active use of digital technologies at different stages of the educational process. The study has determined that the introduction of digital technologies in education leads to the unintended consequences which can have unanticipated effects on educational institutions and their actors. The unintended consequences are conceptualized using R. Merton’s theoretical perspective and are defined as unexpected, unforeseen results caused by a purposive action. They could be divided into three subgroups: 1) unexpected benefit, 2) unexpected drawback, 3) perverse result. To study the unintended consequences the authors designed a methodological approach which focuses on macro and micro factors which determine attitudes to digitalization on the part of various participants of the educational process. The complex structure of the empirical object is determined by the hypothesis, that the unintended consequences of digitalization vary for different social groups involved in the process of education and highly depend on the context. The educational process is described as a complex system with two major components and structured in accordance with specific spheres in which introduction of digital technologies is possible. In conclusion, authors put forward a hypothesis that the suggested methodological approach will contribute to relating the unintended consequences of digitalization to their sources, also identified by R. Merton: ignorance or incomplete analysis; errors in analysis of the problem or following outdated habits; immediate interests overriding the long-term ones; following basic values which require / prohibit certain actions; self-defeating prophecy. Keywords: digitalization, socio-educational sphere, education, unintended consequences, attitudes to digitalization

Designing Contentious Politics in Post-1989 China

Modern China ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 459-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lorentzen
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Safety Valve ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Information Gathering ◽  
The State ◽  
Vertical Flow ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
Popular Contention ◽  
Flow Of Information

This article proposes a new approach to studying China’s contentious politics in the post-1989 era. This approach treats China’s central government as an institutional designer whose policies on social conflicts shape popular contention. This approach offers four insights. First, protests can provide useful information to the state about citizen grievances, but only if they are costly enough to ensure that only serious claimants engage in them. Second, protesters routinely forego strategies that would give them a stronger bargaining position because the state benefits from maintaining a consistent policy of rewarding only protests that pursue weaker strategies. Third, the contradictory “safety valve” and “single spark” metaphors for protest can be reconciled by distinguishing between the vertical flow of information from citizens to state and the horizontal flow of information from citizen to citizen. Finally, the article suggests why protests have been tolerated when apparently safer information-gathering institutions exist.

Modes of Professional Campaigning

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Tenscher ◽  
Juri Mykkänen ◽  
Tom Moring
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Country Comparison ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The Impact

In recent years, political parties have reacted to far-reaching transformations in their media and sociocultural environments. These changes and adaptations, often assembled under the catchword “professionalization,” become most apparent during electoral campaigns. However, the campaign professionalism of political parties has not yet been systematically “measured,” having been examined mostly in single case studies. Against this background, we present an empirical test of the party-centered theory of professionalization. Ours is a four-country comparison of the campaign structures and strategies of political parties during the most recent European parliamentary elections. Our analyses demonstrate a wide variety in professional electoral campaigning. There are differences in campaign structures that not only point to country specifics but also to the impact of the size of the parties. We also ask whether there are differences between parties owing to their position on a right–left scale. Our findings point to some general trends in electoral campaigning that seem to be typical of societies with democratic corporatist media systems. Those similarities and country-specifics should be taken into account in future empirical analyses, which might benefit from our methodological approach.

Nabulsi Ulama in the Late Ottoman Period, 1864–1914

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Yazbak
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Critical Studies ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Local Sources ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Late Ottoman

One of the main arguments used to prop up the thesis that, as of the 16th century, there was a steady decline in virtually all spheres of the Ottoman Empire's administration and society has been that Muslim societies in the Ottoman Middle Eastproved incapable, or even unwilling, to open up and accept the process of Western modernization. In recent years, however, newly discovered local sources together with a change in methodological approach have led to a growing body of critical studies that challenge the decline theory on a number of points. The 19th century, for example, is increasingly viewed as still very much an Ottoman century, in which the Porte, instead of seeing its power in the provinces diminish under the growing impact of the West, succeeded in strengthening its hold through the centralization policies of the Tanzimat. Another significant example is that of local elites who, instead of opposing Istanbul's reformist policies across the board, are often found to identify and cooperate with the central government.

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