Modes of Professional Campaigning

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Tenscher ◽  
Juri Mykkänen ◽  
Tom Moring
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Country Comparison ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The Impact

In recent years, political parties have reacted to far-reaching transformations in their media and sociocultural environments. These changes and adaptations, often assembled under the catchword “professionalization,” become most apparent during electoral campaigns. However, the campaign professionalism of political parties has not yet been systematically “measured,” having been examined mostly in single case studies. Against this background, we present an empirical test of the party-centered theory of professionalization. Ours is a four-country comparison of the campaign structures and strategies of political parties during the most recent European parliamentary elections. Our analyses demonstrate a wide variety in professional electoral campaigning. There are differences in campaign structures that not only point to country specifics but also to the impact of the size of the parties. We also ask whether there are differences between parties owing to their position on a right–left scale. Our findings point to some general trends in electoral campaigning that seem to be typical of societies with democratic corporatist media systems. Those similarities and country-specifics should be taken into account in future empirical analyses, which might benefit from our methodological approach.

scholarly journals Editorial introduction: Gender and political financing

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Impact

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.

Not much happened: The impact of gender quotas in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Impact

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

scholarly journals Electoral Campaign Financing and Criminal Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Brunela Kullolli
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Criminal Policy ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Campaign Financing

In a democratic state, power is exercised by elected bodies through free and fair elections. The choice of the political class that will exercise political, economic, etc. power by the sovereign (the people) is one of the most important moments in the way how a state works.The sovereign and the expression of his will by voting for those to be elected to the governing or governing bodies. The first part will address and analyze the election campaign, the day of voting until the moment of the results, is the period when the sovereign exercises his power directly by voting which political class will lead the state.Political classes seeking to govern and govern governing bodies disclose their programs, their policies during the election campaign.Election campaigns in modern and capitalist society require funding as they are associated with costs, expenses. Election campaigns cannot be done without capital, without money. The second part will analyze the power of money in election campaigns is related to the expenses political parties or candidates make to their program, to disseminate their political and governing ideas, so money power is used to influence the sovereign to be informed on election day. who to vote for and who to choose in the governing bodies. The use of money in election campaigns forces a democratic state to set rules on how to finance, spend, etc., so setting rules such as how the power of money will affect election campaigns and their control by the responsible bodies.In a country with a fragile and transitional democracy such as the Albanian state, the control of money power during election campaigns is extremely difficult, however the manner of controlling election campaign financing is clearly defined in legislation. In this paper I will contribute by analyzing the impact of money on the Albanian state policy, first in terms of electoral financing, financing of political parties and individuals in electoral campaigns In this paper I will address and analyze how money affects constitutional principles during election campaigns, how it affects the principles of free and fair elections. The third part will address and analyze how entities participating in electoral campaigns are financed.The use of illegal money during campaigns affects the violation of constitutional principles for free and fair elections.I will address and analyze the criminal policies in the field of illegal financing of electoral campaigns. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania in relation to free and fair elections. llegal financing of election campaigns is a current phenomenon of the Albanian society, bringing about the incrimination of Albanian politics.Illegal financing of entities participating in electoral campaigns comes from organized crime or suspects in criminal activities, and this brings about the establishment of those persons who protect the latter's interests and not the interests of the constituents or democratic interests of a state .Intensify the fight against illicit financing of electoral campaigns by creating not only a complete legal framework for preventing illicit financing but also creating practical mechanisms for not only law enforcement but also the practical prevention of uncontrolled funding of electoral subjects.Setting criminal penalties for illegal financing of electoral campaigns and revising the Criminal Code in incriminating all illegal financing actions that violate free and fair elections may be the most important step in the fight against illegal financing of electoral campaigns. Illegal financing of electoral campaigns in Albania calls for free and fair elections and questions the basic principles of the representation of political entities in governing institutions and therefore the interference in law and penal policy is current and immediate.

Defying expectations: what leader insurgencies reveal about media and party incapacity in the time of ‘audience democracy’

2018 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Walter ◽  
Zareh Ghazarian
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Media ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Engagement ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Political communication and citizen engagement have been impacted by crises in both political parties and conventional media models. This article contends that the confluence of these crises has been insufficiently understood, and that this lack of understanding depends upon a third element: the dissolution of a ‘holding culture’, a sense of the ‘rules of the game’ that has constituted the ground on which parties and the media operated and generated the imaginative space for constituting community. This dissolution might be represented as resistance to a now discredited political class, once constituted by ‘old’ political and media elites, and promising a new culture – with the potential for parties to be more responsive to ‘the people’, and for a more diversified and representative media. By looking at case studies of leadership insurgency in parties and the impact of new media in creating the discursive conditions for their emergence, this article explores the realities in relation to political communication and democratic engagement.

scholarly journals A New Populist Divide? Correspondences of Supply and Demand in the 2015 Polish Parliamentary Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Stanley
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Supply And Demand ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Cultural Attitudes ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Combined Impact ◽  
The Impact

This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.

scholarly journals Impact of attachment imagery on paranoia and mood: evidence from two single case studies

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 572-583
Author(s):  
Cathryn Pitfield ◽  
Tess Maguire ◽  
Katherine Newman-Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Behavioural Therapy ◽  
Imagery Task ◽  
Baseline Phase ◽  
Intervention Phase ◽  
The Impact

AbstractBackground:Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) for psychosis currently yields modest outcomes and must be improved. Attachment imagery may be an effective means of reducing severity of paranoid beliefs and associated affect. Experimental studies have demonstrated these effects in non-clinical groups. The impact in clinical populations remains untested.Aims:This study assessed the impact of a brief attachment imagery task on paranoia and mood, in two people with a diagnosis of schizophrenia.Method:Two single case studies are presented. Both participants were working age adults with persecutory delusions. The study utilised an A-B-A design. Participants were recruited for a 6-week period, with a 2- and 3-week baseline respectively, 1-week intervention phase, and follow-up phase matched to duration of baseline. Trait paranoia and attachment were measured at the start of the baseline. State paranoia and affect were measured daily over the 6-week period.Results:For both participants, the baseline phase was characterised by high and variable levels of paranoia, which reduced during the intervention phase, with a return to baseline scores at follow-up. We found a similar pattern for negative affect, and the reverse pattern for positive affect.Conclusions:Attachment imagery may function as an effective emotion regulation strategy for people with psychosis. Continued use is likely to be needed to maintain gains. This brief task could prove valuable to people needing skills to manage paranoia and mood, and give clinicians confidence that people can manage short-term distress in CBT for psychosis, for example when addressing past trauma.

Elections in Poland 2001: electoral manipulation and party upheaval

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Coalition Partner ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Party Development ◽  
The Social ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
The Impact

The Polish parliamentary elections of 2001 took place in a context of fresh upheavals in the configuration of political parties. The architects of the new electoral law aimed to reduce the seats gained by the social democrats and increase their own. They succeeded in the first aim by a change of electoral formula, forcing the victorious social democratic electoral coalition to seek a third coalition partner. They did not achieve the second aim, as their own failures in government drastically reduced their electoral support and facilitated the breakthrough of populist formations. The result had implications for party development and the composition and workings of both parliament and government. While representation was enhanced by a parliament more accurately reflecting the voters’ choice, the impact appeared potentially harmful to Polish democracy as a whole.

scholarly journals Water Footprint Sustainability as a Tool to Address Climate Change in the Wine Sector: A Methodological Approach Applied to a Portuguese Case Study

Atmosphere ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 934 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artur Saraiva ◽  
Pedro Presumido ◽  
José Silvestre ◽  
Manuel Feliciano ◽  
Gonçalo Rodrigues ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Field Experiments ◽  
Water Footprint ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Production Costs ◽  
Green Water ◽  
Best Available Techniques ◽  
Wine Sector ◽  
The Impact

In the Mediterranean region, climate change is likely to generate an increase in water demand and the deterioration of its quality. The adoption of precision viticulture and the best available techniques aiming at sustainable production, minimizing the impact on natural resources and reducing production costs, has therefore been a goal of winegrowers. In this work, the water footprint (WFP) in the wine sector was evaluated, from the vineyard to the bottle, through the implementation of a methodology based on field experiments and life cycle assessment (LCA) on two Portuguese case studies. Regarding direct water footprint, it ranged from 366 to 899 L/FU (0.75 L bottle), with green water being the most significant component, representing more than 50% of the overall water footprint. The approach used in the current study revealed that although more than 97.5% of the water footprint is associated with vineyard, the winery stage is responsible for more than 75% of the global warming potential indicator. A linear correlation between the carbon footprint and the indirect blue water footprint was also observed for both case studies. Climate change is expected to cause an earlier and prolonged water stress period, resulting in an increase of about 40% to 82% of blue WFP.

Context matters: political polarization on Twitter from a comparative perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 857-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Urman
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Comparative Studies ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
The Subject

This article explores the issue of political polarization on social media. It shows that the intensity of polarization on Twitter varies greatly from one country to another. The analysis is performed using network-analytic audience duplication approach and is based on the data about the followers of the political parties’ Twitter accounts in 16 democratic countries. Based on the topology of the audience duplication graphs, the political Twitterspheres of the countries are classified as perfectly integrated, integrated, mixed, polarized and perfectly polarized. Explorative analysis shows that polarization is the highest in two-party systems with plurality electoral rules and the lowest in multi-party systems with proportional voting. The findings help explain the discrepancies in the results of previous studies into polarization on social media. The results of the study indicate that extrapolation of the findings from single-case studies on the topic is impossible in most cases, suggesting that more comparative studies on the matter are necessary to better understand the subject and get generalizable results.

scholarly journals Securitization of the Migration Crisis and Islamophobic Rhetoric: The 2016 Slovak Parliamentary Elections as a Case Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ľubomír Zvada
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
National Party ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Peace Research ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Impact

Abstract This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization processes, actors, and other components of the case. Subsequently, I focus on a key element of this theory that is linked to the speech act. I evaluate Islamophobia manifestations in speech act and political manifesto of Slovak political parties. My source base includes the rhetoric of nationalist political parties such as Direction-SD (Smer-SD), Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana), We Are Family-Boris Kollár (Sme Rodina-Boris Kollár), and Kotleba-People’ Party Our Slovakia (Kotleba-Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko), all of which often apply anti-Muslim and anti-Islam rhetoric.

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