Protecting the Medically Vulnerable amid COVID-19: Insights from the Dually Eligible Population in the United States

Background: We sought to quantify whether there were statistically significant disparities along race and ethnicity lines during the early rollout of Covid-19 vaccine booster doses in the United States. We also studied whether such disparities replicated or widened disparities that had already been observed during the initial series rollout as of 2 months earlier (Janssen) or 6 months earlier (Pfizer-BioNTech or Moderna), which comprised the booster-eligible population. Methods: This cross-sectional study of US adults (ages ≥18 years) used public data from US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The observed shares of vaccine doses for each race and ethnicity were compared to the expected shares, predicted based upon the compositions of the booster-eligible and initial series-eligible populations. Results: As of November 16, 2021, 123.5 million US adults were eligible for a booster dose of either the Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, or Janssen vaccines. Of these, 21.7 million had received a booster dose, among whom race and ethnicity information was available for 18.8 million booster recipients. A statistically significant higher share of Non-Hispanic White and Non-Hispanic Multiple/Other race individuals had received a booster vaccination than projected based on the composition of the booster-eligible population. A statistically significant lower share of Hispanic, Non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaskan Native, Non-Hispanic Asian, Non-Hispanic Black, and Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander individuals had received a booster vaccination than expected based on the booster-eligible population. A secondary analysis of the booster-eligible population found that some of these disparities had already occurred at the time of the initial series. However, the booster campaign widened all of those disparities and added new disparities for Non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaskan Native and Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander individuals. Conclusion: Disparities in Covid-19 vaccine administration on race and ethnicity lines occurred during the initial series rollout in the US. However, these disparities were not merely replicated but widened by the early booster rollout.

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Introduction to Access to Healthcare

The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Health Law ◽

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190846756.013.46 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

André den Exter ◽

Mark A. Hall ◽

Allison K. Hoffman ◽

Keith Syrett

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Safety Net ◽

The United States ◽

Access To Healthcare ◽

Fundamental Question ◽

Direct Access ◽

Free Clinics ◽

The United Kingdom ◽

Eligible Population ◽

Costs Of Treatment

This chapter demonstrates how the comparison between Europe and the United States reveals two very different approaches to dealing with the fundamental question of access to healthcare. Here, ‘access to care’ consists of both availability and affordability. Affordability is determined by how a country helps people to pay for care, including by means of healthcare coverage that entitles or enables a patient to access affordable care. Coverage is commonly provided by some type of insurance that pays for the costs of treatment. But care can be arranged and paid for more directly, without insurance, through a program that simply operates facilities or clinics serving an eligible population, as in the United Kingdom. Typically, these direct-access programs are run by government, but they may also be privately operated, as for instance the free clinics and ‘safety net’ hospitals that serve the uninsured in the United States.

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The Turnout Rate among Eligible Voters in the States, 1980–2000

State Politics & Policy Quarterly ◽

10.1177/153244000200200205 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 199-212 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

Michael P. Mcdonald

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Voter Turnout ◽

Science Studies ◽

State Level ◽

The United States ◽

Turnout Rate ◽

Eligible Population ◽

Rate Measure ◽

Voting Age ◽

Independent Variable

Aggregate voter turnout rates in the United States have been used in many political science studies, as both a dependent and an independent variable. Most of these studies use the voting-age population as the denominator in their turnout rate measure. However, the voting-age population is not the same as the population of eligible voters. I demonstrate why this distinction matters and outline the steps to construct the voting-eligible population for each of the states from 1980–2000 to provide more accurate measures of state-level voter turnout rates.

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Party Strength in the United States: Some Corrections

The Journal of Politics ◽

10.1017/s0022381600041591 ◽

1975 ◽

Vol 37 (2) ◽

pp. 641-642 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Paul T. David

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

Party Strength

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Correlative microscopy in distrubuted (client/server) computing environments: tools for catalyzing the rapid dissemination of information about the cell biology of the human prostate

Proceedings, annual meeting, Electron Microscopy Society of America ◽

10.1017/s0424820100139780 ◽

1995 ◽

Vol 53 ◽

pp. 682-683

Author(s):

A. Hakam ◽

J.T. Gau ◽

M.L. Grove ◽

B.A. Evans ◽

M. Shuman ◽

...

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Cell Biology ◽

Tissue Bank ◽

The United States ◽

Prostate Adenocarcinoma ◽

Correlative Microscopy ◽

Client Server ◽

Critical Elements ◽

Transplant Organ

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.

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Digital image acquisition, processing, and analysis in a polymer microscopy laboratory

Proceedings, annual meeting, Electron Microscopy Society of America ◽

10.1017/s0424820100170001 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 52 ◽

pp. 454-455

Author(s):

Vinod K. Berry ◽

Xiao Zhang

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Image Analysis ◽

Digital Image ◽

Image Acquisition ◽

Image Transmission ◽

The United States ◽

Quantitative Image Analysis ◽

Quantitative Image

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.

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Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

Studies in American Political Development ◽

10.1017/s0898588x01010045 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 15 (01) ◽

pp. 53-87 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Andrew Rehfeld

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

House Of Representatives ◽

Political Representation ◽

The United States ◽

Representative Government ◽

Congressional District ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

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