The German New Right and Its Think Tanks

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Hartwig Pautz

This article presents an analysis of how think tanks of the German New Right have sought to expand the reach of the New Right into far-right electoral politics, specifically those embodied by the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party. Informed by social network analysis and document analysis, the research focuses on the years between 2013 and 2017, the period that saw the foundation of the AfD, its shift to the right toward embracing nationalist-völkisch positions, and its entry into the Bundestag. The data show that only a few New Right think tanks have strongly engaged with the AfD for the purpose of changing ideology, personnel, or policy. Most of these think tanks are well-networked with other actors, such as magazines and campaign groups from the wider far right.

Author(s):  
David Miller ◽  
Claire Harkins ◽  
Matthias Schlögl ◽  
Brendan Montague

This chapter uses social network analysis to explore the web of influence of the four ‘addictive’ industries examined in the book: alcohol, tobacco, food, and gambling. The data are used to paint an overall picture before taking a closer look in subsequent chapters. The four industries form more or less separated clusters, and whereas the alcohol and food industries are very well interconnected, the gambling and tobacco industries are only loosely tied to the others. The network also shows that advertising and marketing sectors and think tanks often act as connecting hubs between the industries. The closer look at the clusters of the four industries shows some important differences. The food cluster is more heterogeneous than the others are; the alcohol cluster contains product-related subclusters; and gambling, as well as tobacco, is smaller and less dense compared with the other two.


Author(s):  
Barbara K. Wichmann ◽  
Lutz Kaufmann

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate when and how to best use social network analysis (SNA) in the supply chain management (SCM) discipline. In doing so, the study identifies SCM phenomena that have been examined from a social network perspective (SNA approach) in the SCM literature and highlights additional SCM phenomena that would be worth investigating using social network research. Then, the study critically investigates the application of SNA as a methodology (SNA method), with the goal of assessing and mitigating methodological risks in future studies. Design/methodology/approach This study carries out a systematic literature review of articles published in 11 top-tier SCM journals over a 20-year period. Findings First, while social network research has gained momentum especially since 2010, scholars are not yet entirely aware of the many possibilities the SNA approach offers to the SCM field. Second, expanded possibilities also hold for the development of SNA as a method. Originality/value The paper guides future SCM research by investigating when SNA is the right approach to use and how SNA as a method should be performed. Theoretically richer and practically more relevant research should result.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gunnarsson Lorentzen

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyse relationships and communication between Twitter actors in Swedish political conversations. More specifically, the paper aims to identify the most prominent actors, among these actors identify the sub-groups of actors with similar political affiliations, and describe and analyse the relationships and communication between these sub-groups. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected during four weeks in September 2012, using Twitter API. The material included 77,436 tweets from 10,294 Twitter actors containing the hashtag #svpol. In total, 916 prominent actors were identified and categorised according to the main political blocks, using information from their profiles. Social network analysis was utilised to map the relationships and the communication between these actors. Findings – There was a marked dominance of the three main political blocks among the 916 most prominent actors: left block, centre-right block, and right-wing block. The results from the social network analysis suggest that while polarisation exists in both followership and re-tweet networks, actors follow and re-tweet actors from other groups. The mention network did not show any signs of polarisation. The blocks differed from each other with the right-wingers being tighter and far more active, but also more distant from the others in the followership network. Originality/value – While a few papers have studied political polarisation on Twitter, this is the first to study the phenomenon using followership data, mention data, and re-tweet data.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881986362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea LP Pirro ◽  
Elena Pavan ◽  
Adam Fagan ◽  
David Gazsi

In this article, we extend our understanding of fringe politics to include relational and thematic elements, namely, the relationship of far-right collective actors with their broader network and the claims made within it. Locating our analysis at the intersection of protest event and social network analysis, we focus on the far-right Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) which, since late 2013, has committed to moderation. Analysing the protest events in which Jobbik took part and the types of claims upon which it has mobilized between 2009 and 2017, we examine whether there has been a corresponding distancing from extremist groups and radical claims – a finding that would indeed validate the substantive transformation of Jobbik. By focusing on often neglected relational and thematic aspects, the study provides new ways to analyse fringe collective actors, the relationship with their environment and the evolution of such a relationship over time.


Author(s):  
Katrin Höffler ◽  
Miriam Meyer ◽  
Veronika Möller

AbstractIn recent years, risk assessments for violent extremism have attracted great interest from both scholars and practitioners, and many assessment tools have been developed. After a critical review of this development, the paper examines differences and similarities between the indicators of various violent extremist risk assessment tools and checklists. Based on an interview study with 34 experts in the field of Counter Violent Extremism and 24 (formerly) radicalized persons from the right-wing radical and Salafi-Jihadist spectrum, risk factors were identified and the findings merged and compared with already existing risk assessment tools. The paper will present results especially regarding the risk signals’ occurrence and applicability in the German context. One key finding is that existing assessment tools insufficiently take into account personal contacts in the radicalization process. Thus, the paper—based on the results of a social network analysis—draws attention to the potential and importance of networks. The paper concludes by outlining the potential of risk assessment, suggesting improvements, and raising awareness of the limits and deficits of these tools. The paper thus scientifically addresses the challenge of more security through efficient risk assessment and management. It offers a list of radicalization process characteristics (ARISNA: Assessment of Radicalized Individuals including Social Network Analysis), which is designed to help users analyze the risk of radicalization based on concrete traits of a person and their environment.


Author(s):  
Paul S. Herrnson ◽  
Justin H. Kirkland

This chapter argues that to accurately gauge the impact of political parties on elections, it is necessary to look beyond traditional party committees and consider these organizations’ impact on the thousands of other groups that participate in the financing of campaigns. Using social network analysis and federal campaign finance data, the chapter demonstrates the existence of two distinctive hierarchical extended party networks, each comprising formal party organizations, campaign committees associated with members of Congress and congressional candidates, and PACs allied with one party. It also provides evidence suggesting party organizations’ influence over hundreds of millions of dollars in contributions and expenditures that flow within their networks. The chapter’s results have implications for party and interest group development and behavior, as well as legislative and electoral politics.


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