scholarly journals How do Problems get on to the Political Agenda and get Taken Seriously by Policymakers? An Analysis of Climate Change Policy in the US

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 621-628
Author(s):  
Ayaz Ali Shah ◽  
Shaukat ◽  
Hina Malik

The issue of climate change is not of the recent past. However, it was late in the nineteenth century in the US that the phenomenon was defined and framed as an issue of public interest by those who say it mattered. The reason was the occurrence of indicators such as a rise in earth temperature and prolonged summer season. The mass displacement of people from their places of inhibits and damages to their properties forced the government to take the issue seriously. A change in the administration in the federal capital, along with pressure from civil society and demand from various groups to resolve the issue of climate change, proved to be something that ultimately led to the resolution of the issue and taken seriously by the government of the day. While answering the question of how the issue of climate change made its way to the agenda-setting stage of policymaking, Jhon Kingdon model of agendasetting has been applied, which is more relevant and acceptable in terms of conceptual logics and the issue at hand.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Pizarro ◽  
Raúl Delgado ◽  
Huáscar Eguino ◽  
Aloisio Lopes Pereira

Identifying and evaluating climate expenditures in the public sector, known as budget tagging, has generated increasing attention from multiple stakeholders, not only to assess the governments climate change policy, but also to monitor fiscal risks associated with increasing and unpredictable climate change impacts. This paper explores the issues raised by climate change budget tagging in the context of a broader discussion on the connections with fiscal and environmental statistical classification systems. It argues that, for climate change budget tagging efforts to be successful, the definitions and classifications of climate change expenditures must be consistent with statistical standards currently in use, such as the Government Finance Statistics Framework and the System of National Accounts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 694
Author(s):  
Michele Villa

The Senate rejection of the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme Bill 2009 (CPRS) for the second time in December 2009 caused key sections of Australia’s big business to express concern. The stalled legislation and the challenges associated with the Copenhagen Accord to deliver a clear post-2012 global climate change agreement have only fuelled uncertainty surrounding the future of climate change policy. This uncertainty will come at a cost for the Australian LNG industry where a raft of new projects are fast approaching final investment decisions and the real impact of a carbon impost is difficult to quantify. Despite this uncertainty, subsequent negotiations between the Government and the Opposition regarding the LNG industry, led to an amended version of the CPRS Bill. One of the amendments accepted by the Government was related to the allocation rate and states that LNG is expected to be a moderately emissions intensive trade exposed (EITE) activity and therefore eligible to receive free permits at a fixed rate per tonne of LNG produced. Should this version of the CPRS become legislation in 2010, LNG producers will at least be able to calculate their liability under the scheme and confirm their compliance strategy. Given the significant value at stake with existing and new investments, oil and gas businesses should act with urgency to develop strategies to respond to a carbon constrained future, irrespective of the final legislative design. Scenario planning is an important step in considering the range of regulatory outcomes—both domestic and international—that will impact on the supply and demand of carbon assets.


Author(s):  
José María Valenzuela ◽  
Isabel Studer

Mexico’s low-carbon technology perspectives show lack of coherence with the rising ambition in climate change commitments, for which Mexico is internationally praised. The comparison of two recent energy reforms, corresponding to two administrations, explains this lack of coherence by, on the one hand, the permanence of a strong climate institutional framework devised as a means to increase energy security and, on the other hand, the political commitment to reduce electricity tariffs through the access to low-priced gas in North America. The chapter underscores the political economy trade-offs between the need for a strong climate commitment that provides a stable long-term energy transition pathway and the political and economic short-term benefits derived from low electricity tariffs.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Zoe Onutu

Numerous theoretical accounts have attempted to capture the dynamics of the idiosyncratic transatlantic relations, whether they were merely simplified polarized depictions or sophisticated analyses. As a recent variant of the balance of power theory, the ‘soft-balancing’ thesis has been developed within this context as a useful explanation for other states’ attempts to undermine and retain the power of the US using non-military instruments. By employing the climate change policy field as a case study, this paper aims at testing the relevance of this theoretical concept on one of the most prominent examples of the transatlantic rift. The arguments brought forward reveal significant limitations of the ‘soft-balancing’ thesis when explaining the transatlantic climate divide, which casts doubt on its merits in capturing power relations in general.


Author(s):  
Annegret Bendiek ◽  
Felix Schenuit

The strengthening of EU-Canada relations in the last years has revealed mutual interests in several policy fields. In times of increasingly tense relations with the US and weakening multilateralism, deepened and broadened bilateral cooperation is of particular importance for both, Canada and the EU. In order to better understand mutual interests and similar challenges, this article explores cooperation in the two different policy fields of foreign and security policy and climate change policy. This analysis of the current situation in international security and climate change policy points out key areas in which closer EU-Canada cooperation could be brought to bear fruits not only for their bilateral relationship but also the alliance for multilateralism in the short run and for years to come.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Ghinoi ◽  
Bodo Steiner

Climate change is considered by policymakers as one of the most pressing global issues of our time. International institutions and national governments are, to varying degrees, committed to tackling climate change, but it has only been possible to define a shared system of collective goals across countries through the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris (COP21). A growing interest in climate change policy has been present in the Italian political debate, yet we have little evidence regarding the nature of related climate change debates across Italian policymakers. By using Discourse Network Analysis (DNA) to investigate Italian policymakers’ discourses in the Chamber of Deputies during the 17th Italian Legislature (2013–2018), this study shows that debates on climate change-related strategies are largely unpolarized, except for certain issues, and that coalitions emerge over time around core strategies. Groups of policymakers with similar policy beliefs emerge independently from their political affiliations. Our analysis is thus the first to apply DNA to provide empirical evidence of the convergence across Italian policymakers and the potential for the bridging of political discourses on climate change.


Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Rebecca Teare

In 2000 Quebec was about to host its provincial counterparts for that year’s Joint Meeting of Ministers of the Environment and Energy in an effort to work in unison for the benefit of all Canadians and the environment. Quebec’s Ministers were clear about their position on climate change policy. In their province, Quebec’s policy will prevail. Federalism lies at the heart of the political dispute between Quebec and the federal government over the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol. Quebec has pressured the federal government to maintain its commitments to the international community, and has been critical of its approach to meeting them. It has seriously considered the commitments Canada has made, and in the process, diverged from federal climate change policy by taking a more global perspective. This has enabled the province to generate greater provincial powers within Canada, in line with the Quebec Liberal Party’s concept of federalism. This essay will investigate climate change policy in Quebec after the Quiet Revolution, focusing on the differences between this province and the federal government’s approach to international climate change agreements—specifically the Kyoto Protocol. Quebec has developed firmer climate change policy than the federal government. While this is possible because of Quebec’s energy industry and the fact that it does not have to compromise with other jurisdictions in the federation, it has provided an additional outlet for the Quebecois sense of distinctiveness in Canada. This essay will argue that Quebec pursues a more ambitious climate change policy than the federal government in order to increase its provincial powers within the Canadian federation.[...]


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