Psychological analysis of political orientations. Part II: Predictors and consequences of political views

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-55
Author(s):  
O. Gulevich ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wouter Schakel ◽  
Armen Hakhverdian

This study examines whether or not political representation in the Netherlands is biased toward the rich and higher educated by comparing the political orientations of members of parliament to those of the electorate. The analyses reveal stark differences in the representation of different socio-economic groups. The political views of elected national representatives are far more similar to those of rich, higher educated citizens than to those with less income and education. Moreover, a longitudinal analysis reveals that inequalities in political representation have actually grown in recent years. We also show that the use of measures of ideological self-identification might to lead to highly misleading results regarding the nature of political representation as opposed to the use of issue items. We conclude that, despite a highly proportional electoral system, the views which are represented in the Dutch lower house of parliament contain major distortions of the views of the broader electorate.


2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Hibbing ◽  
Kevin B. Smith ◽  
John R. Alford

AbstractDisputes between those holding differing political views are ubiquitous and deep-seated, and they often follow common, recognizable lines. The supporters of tradition and stability, sometimes referred to as conservatives, do battle with the supporters of innovation and reform, sometimes referred to as liberals. Understanding the correlates of those distinct political orientations is probably a prerequisite for managing political disputes, which are a source of social conflict that can lead to frustration and even bloodshed. A rapidly growing body of empirical evidence documents a multitude of ways in which liberals and conservatives differ from each other in purviews of life with little direct connection to politics, from tastes in art to desire for closure and from disgust sensitivity to the tendency to pursue new information, but the central theme of the differences is a matter of debate. In this article, we argue that one organizing element of the many differences between liberals and conservatives is the nature of their physiological and psychological responses to features of the environment that are negative. Compared with liberals, conservatives tend to register greater physiological responses to such stimuli and also to devote more psychological resources to them. Operating from this point of departure, we suggest approaches for refining understanding of the broad relationship between political views and response to the negative. We conclude with a discussion of normative implications, stressing that identifying differences across ideological groups is not tantamount to declaring one ideology superior to another.


2012 ◽  
Vol 367 (1589) ◽  
pp. 640-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Dodd ◽  
Amanda Balzer ◽  
Carly M. Jacobs ◽  
Michael W. Gruszczynski ◽  
Kevin B. Smith ◽  
...  

We report evidence that individual-level variation in people's physiological and attentional responses to aversive and appetitive stimuli are correlated with broad political orientations. Specifically, we find that greater orientation to aversive stimuli tends to be associated with right-of-centre and greater orientation to appetitive (pleasing) stimuli with left-of-centre political inclinations. These findings are consistent with recent evidence that political views are connected to physiological predispositions but are unique in incorporating findings on variation in directed attention that make it possible to understand additional aspects of the link between the physiological and the political.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Lamare

This article investigates the integration of various generations of Chicano children into the United States political system. Specifically, it focuses upon the assimilation and acculturation of these children into prevailing American political orientations. Even with controls for socioeconomic status, language environment and education, generational experiences structure the political views of these children. There is a linear progression of political integration from the newcomers through the second generation. Third generation Chicanos, however, recede in their political assimilation and acculturation.


Author(s):  
D. D. Osinina

During the transition of power, the analysis of the “staff reserve” of the state becomes a priority topic. In particular, the worldview of the growing elite is of particular interest. One of the channels of influence on the worldview of young people is education. On the example of Kazakhstan, the author analyzes the activities of the world powers — China, the USA, Russia and Turkey — regarding the promotion of the policy of “soft power” in the country, namely, the impact through educational institutions on the worldview of the “staff reserve” of the elite community of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The system of views, which is formed under the influence of a system of values, is reflected in the political orientations of the younger generation. In this regard, the education of a young man in the United States or China affects the formation of his political views and relations to a particular state, as well as the model of development of his own state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-184
Author(s):  
Irini Kadianaki ◽  
Maria Avraamidou ◽  
Eleni Andreouli

In this article we bring a critical social-psychological approach to the study of sexual citizenship. This approach seeks to understand how citizenship is constructed through ideological resources and negotiated in local contexts. We do so by studying newspaper representations of the Civil Union (CU) law in the Cypriot context. This law represented a major legal development for a largely heteronormative, patriarchic social context and sparked debate around sexual rights in general. We analysed 82 opinion articles that appeared in four newspapers of different political orientations between 2011 and 2015, through thematic and critical discourse analysis. The analysis revealed that CU was debated in terms of two oppositional themes. The first theme debated whether CU protects universal rights or introduces special rights, which are either not deserved or create inequality. The second theme approached the CU law as a sign of a much-needed societal progress or as a sign of decline and national degeneration. We show how these themes draw upon two broader ideological dilemmas, that of universalism versus particularism and that of Occidentalism versus Orientalism, and discuss the implications of these ideological streams in constructing the boundaries of citizenship for LGBT+ in this context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Langlitz ◽  
Erika Dyck ◽  
Milan Scheidegger ◽  
Dimitris Repantis

The revival of psychedelic research coincided and more recently conjoined with psychopharmacological research on how drugs affect moral judgments and behaviors. This article makes the case for a moral psychopharmacology of psychedelics that examines whether psychedelics serve as non-specific amplifiers that enable subjects to (re-)connect with their values, or whether they promote specific moral-political orientations such as liberal and anti-authoritarian views, as recent psychopharmacological studies suggest. This question gains urgency from the fact that the return of psychedelics from counterculture and underground laboratories to mainstream science and society has been accompanied by a diversification of their users and uses. We propose bringing the pharmacological and neuroscientific literature into a conversation with historical and anthropological scholarship documenting the full spectrum of moral and political views associated with the uses of psychedelics. This paper sheds new light on the cultural plasticity of drug action and has implications for the design of psychedelic pharmacopsychotherapies. It also raises the question of whether other classes of psychoactive drugs have an equally rich moral and political life.


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