scholarly journals Moral Psychopharmacology Needs Moral Inquiry: The Case of Psychedelics

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Langlitz ◽  
Erika Dyck ◽  
Milan Scheidegger ◽  
Dimitris Repantis
Keyword(s):  
Drug Action ◽  
Moral Judgments ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Psychoactive Drugs ◽  
Moral Inquiry ◽  
Science And Society ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Mainstream Science

The revival of psychedelic research coincided and more recently conjoined with psychopharmacological research on how drugs affect moral judgments and behaviors. This article makes the case for a moral psychopharmacology of psychedelics that examines whether psychedelics serve as non-specific amplifiers that enable subjects to (re-)connect with their values, or whether they promote specific moral-political orientations such as liberal and anti-authoritarian views, as recent psychopharmacological studies suggest. This question gains urgency from the fact that the return of psychedelics from counterculture and underground laboratories to mainstream science and society has been accompanied by a diversification of their users and uses. We propose bringing the pharmacological and neuroscientific literature into a conversation with historical and anthropological scholarship documenting the full spectrum of moral and political views associated with the uses of psychedelics. This paper sheds new light on the cultural plasticity of drug action and has implications for the design of psychedelic pharmacopsychotherapies. It also raises the question of whether other classes of psychoactive drugs have an equally rich moral and political life.

scholarly journals The Philosophical and Political Views of M. Ya. Ostrogorsky (1854–1921) and their Modern Significance

2022 ◽  
pp. 145-151
Author(s):  
G. G. Filippov ◽  
S. A. Oskin
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Theoretical Studies ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Views

Theoretical studies of practical political life conducted by M. Ya. Ostrogorsky allow us to call him one of the founders of Russian political science and party science. His doctrine was the first systematized theory of the emergence, functioning and development of political parties, the laws of their evolution and the technology of activity. He described the tendency to establish an oligarchic leadership of political parties and the failure of moral regulators of political processes taking place in society.

First Contact, March–May 1864

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
Brian Holden Reid
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Operational Level ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Contact ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

This chapter details how the year 1864 allowed William T. Sherman to operate for the first time not as a subordinate commander but as director of a series of armies in the field. His contribution to overall Union strategy would be significant and thus he began to exercise command at the level military analysts currently refer to as the operational level of war. Such a level links tactics and methods of fighting with strategy, in the overall scheme. It defines the manner in which armies organize in discrete campaigns and seek to fulfill the object of strategy by winning victories. Sherman’s performance overall needs to be considered by taking all aspects into account. As he began to work at the higher levels of the military art, he began to change the way in which people think and talk about war, and he propounded an individual philosophy of war. The higher he progressed, the more Sherman could not avoid confronting the harsh realities of political life, for his campaigns increasingly had an impact not just on American political discourse but indeed in 1864 on the outcome of the presidential election. Sherman expressed clear-cut political views and expounded them perhaps too forcefully. This complex mix worked as a catalyst in developing his ideas about war and his ability to put them into practice.

The Fragility of Power

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Rebeggiani
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Imperial Rome ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Intellectual Activities

A new reading of Statius’ main poem and its relationship with the cultural and political life at Rome under Domitian is given. This book studies in detail the poem’s view of power and its interaction with historical contexts. Written under Domitian and in the aftermath of the civil war of 69 CE, the Thebaid uses the veil of myth to reflect on the political reality of Imperial Rome. The poem presents itself to its audience and to the emperor as a lesson on effective kingship and a warning on the fragility of power. Rooted in a pessimistic view of human beings and human relationships, the Thebaid reflects on the harsh necessity of monarchical power as the only antidote to a world always on the verge of returning to chaos. In the absence of the gods, the fate of human communities lies in the hands of the individuals in power. Although humans, and especially kings, are fragile and often the prey of irrational passions, the Thebaid expresses the hope that an illuminated sovereign endowed with clementia [mercy] may offer a solution to the political crisis of the Roman Empire. Statius’ narrative also responds to Domitian’s problematic interaction with Nero, whom Domitian regarded as both a negative model and a source of inspiration. This book shows that the Thebaid is particularly close to the intellectual activities and political views formulated by groups of Roman aristocrats who survived Nero’s repression and that the poem is influenced by an initial phase in Domitian’s regime characterized by a positive relationship between the emperor and the Roman elite.

The Changing Dynamics of Class and Culture in American Politics

2015 ◽  
Vol 663 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duane F. Alwin ◽  
Paula A. Tufiş
Keyword(s):  
General Social Survey ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Child Rearing ◽  
Culture War ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Occupational Class ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Cultural Component

This article investigates the implications of Thomas Frank’s “conservative backlash” thesis that cultural cleavages have become much more important in contemporary American political life relative to traditional socioeconomic bases for political differentiation. We frame our research within the recent literature on the “polarization” of the electorate with respect to social and cultural issues. Using Hunter’s “culture war” imagery, we examine the extent to which opposing cultural forces on issues of abortion, gay rights, women’s extra-familial labor force participation, and child-rearing have become more important in shaping political identities and party preferences. We use data from twenty-six nationally representative surveys of the General Social Survey (GSS) from 1974 through 2010, and we find evidence of polarization in the liberal-conservative identities of respondents. We find that occupational class had a clear and consistent relationship to political views, which is relatively stable over time. We also find that cultural views are related to political identities, and that most features of the cultural component in our analysis are increasingly associated with liberal political views. Our results favor an interpretation of a changing role of cultural orientations in shaping political identities and provide tentative support for Frank’s “Kansas hypothesis” as revealed in the GSS data.

scholarly journals Stanowisko Konferencji Episkopatu Polski wobec wyborów parlamentarnych w 1991 roku

Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 257-270
Author(s):  
Marek Delong
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Common Elements ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Church

The Position of the Polish Episcopal Conference on the Parliamentary Elections in 1991The purpose of this article is to show the position of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on the parliamentary elections in 1991. In official pronouncements of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on this issue, as well as in the statements of individual bishops you can find two common elements. Firstly, noticeable is the identification of the category of the Polish nation, Catholics and society. Hence the belief that the institutions of a democratic state should uphold Christian values and national. Secondly, the Conference of the Polish Episcopate harbored the misconception by unanimity Catholics in Poland in terms of political views. It quickly turned out that the majority of the population does not recognize the role of the Church as the subject of political life. Already in the early nineties, and especially after the parliamentary elections in 1991, there have been numerous discussions on clericalism and anti‑clericalism.

scholarly journals Prejudice Against Citizens with Right-aligned Political Views in Western Cosmopolitan Cities, and Possible Interventions

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Weidlich
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Community Health ◽  
Critical Literacy ◽  
Literacy Education ◽  
Social Psychological ◽  
School Students ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
Media Campaigns ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Group Members

Prejudice against citizens with right-aligned political views in western cosmopolitan cities was explored, and possible interventions proposed. Literature and theories were reviewed, with social psychological and sociological theories compiled that explain the reasons for this prejudice and an intervention to solve this problem. Scientific research in social sciences is dominated by bias from left-aligned researchers in social psychology and psychology. Dysfunctional scientific processes prominent in this area of sciences are due to the sacralization of social science. A significantly small percent of social and personality psychologists identify as politically conservative. A significant amount of errors and distortions were found in sociology textbooks. Media and corporation biases toward left-aligned political views were found, and right-aligned individuals are out-group members in cosmopolitan cities. Inoculation by media assignments and critical literacy education is proposed, that could prevent school students from being influenced by stealth messages and propaganda. Media campaigns targeting the full spectrum of political views is proposed, that could help reduce biases of citizens. A family and community health class is proposed, that could improve student’s psychological, family, and social health. Youth and adult clubs are proposed, that could help reduce animosity between social groups, and promote solidarity and community health.

F. D. Kryukov - Teacher, Public Figure, Writer. Evolution of Political Views

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-71
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn ◽  
Inna G. Kislitsyna
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The People ◽  
State Education ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Childhood And Youth ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I. Lenin. During the First world war, Kryukov acted as a supporter of “war to the bitter endˮ and became a supporter of conservative political views. After February, he re-entered political life. In April 1917, he was a delegate to the Military Congress in Novocherkassk and a candidate for the Constituent Assembly from the Don Army. Kryukov did not accept the October revolution and the idea of social equality and categorically condemned it. He became a Deputy and Secretary of the Military Circle and editor of the newspaper “Don Statementsˮ, where he published more than 30 articles and essays about the White Movement and the Cossacks. His journalism of the period demonstrated the ultra-pedigree position of the representative of the vendean part of the Cossacks. Kryukov became a counterrevolutionary, abandoning the people's socialist ideals. This transformation of worldview values was logical, since it was based on the Cossack self-consciousness and self-perception laid down from childhood and youth. At every stage of evolution as a politician, Kryukov was a prominent figure in public life, which makes him one of the most prominent figures of the Don land.

Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wouter Schakel ◽  
Armen Hakhverdian
Keyword(s):  
Longitudinal Analysis ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Ideological Congruence

This study examines whether or not political representation in the Netherlands is biased toward the rich and higher educated by comparing the political orientations of members of parliament to those of the electorate. The analyses reveal stark differences in the representation of different socio-economic groups. The political views of elected national representatives are far more similar to those of rich, higher educated citizens than to those with less income and education. Moreover, a longitudinal analysis reveals that inequalities in political representation have actually grown in recent years. We also show that the use of measures of ideological self-identification might to lead to highly misleading results regarding the nature of political representation as opposed to the use of issue items. We conclude that, despite a highly proportional electoral system, the views which are represented in the Dutch lower house of parliament contain major distortions of the views of the broader electorate.

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