scholarly journals Education During the American Occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.J. Angulo
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Financial Industry ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Complete Control ◽  
American Military ◽  
American Occupation ◽  
The U.S

This paper seeks to contribute to this line of research by examining America's first occupation of Haiti from 1915-1934. As with the occupations of Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic, the U.S. installed a military government in Haiti. American military officials had virtually complete control over the operations of a parallel, client Haitian government. Unlike other occupations, however, this story begins, ends, and is shot-through with educational concerns. It begins with lessons about Haiti taken by the Woodrow Wilson administration shortly before the U.S. invasion in 1915. The consultants they turned to for advice--particularly captains of the American financial industry with large investments in Haiti--significantly colored the way they approached the country's problems and potential. The story ends with Haitian protests over U.S. imposed educational reforms, protests that spread, intensified, and led to the end of the American occupation in 1934.

The Imperial Republic: A Comparison of the Insular Territories under U.S. Dominion after 1898

2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lanny Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Body ◽  
European American ◽  
Military Government ◽  
The U.S

The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai'i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people's language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.

Occupation, Diplomacy, and the Moving Image

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sueyoung Park-Primiano
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Military Government ◽  
American Military ◽  
Cultural Imaginary ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Educational Films ◽  
Straightforward Interpretation ◽  
The U.S

This chapter, by S. Park-Primiano, examines the use of noncommercial films by the U.S. military to facilitate its diverse roles during its occupation of South Korea in the aftermath of World War II. Used by the American Military Government in Korea, educational films aided the U.S. military's efforts to Americanize the Korean population and combat Communism. Films were also used to inform and rally support for its policy in Korea from American military and civilian personnel at home as well as abroad. For this purpose, the U.S. military sought cooperation from and enlisted the assistance of Korean filmmakers in the production of films about Korean culture and history that challenge any straightforward interpretation of Americanization or a unidirectional influence. Moreover, such conflicting efforts had a long-lasting effect in South Korea. It was a practice that was continued by the succeeding information apparatus of the U.S. State Department and the United Nations during the Korean War and beyond to further expose the need for a closer examination of U.S. control of the Korean cultural imaginary.

Trial without Jury in Guam, USA

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-841
Author(s):  
Katherine Unterman
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Virgin Islands ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Administration Of Justice ◽  
Jury Trials ◽  
Civil Trials ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
The U.S

This article adds to the growing literature about how the Supreme Court's decisions in the Insular Cases affected the residents of the U.S. territories. It focuses on the territory of Guam, which lacked juries in both criminal and civil trials until 1956–nearly sixty years after the island became a U.S. possession. Residents of Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Virgin Islands had limited jury trials, but Guam was left out due to its strategic military significance as well as racialized ideas about the capabilities of Chamorros, the native inhabitants of the island. This article recovers the struggle by Guamanians to gain jury trials. It argues that independence movements, like those in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, were not the only forms of resistance to American empire. Through petitions, court challenges, and other forms of activism, Guamanians pushed for jury trials as a way to assert local agency and engage in participatory democracy. For them, the Insular Cases were not just abstract rulings about whether the Constitution followed the flag; they deeply affected the administration of justice on the ground for ordinary Guamanians.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faye Caronan
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Cultural Representation ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Filipino American ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The U.S

This book explores how Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critiques are delegitimized and obscured by U.S. imperialism and global power. Drawing on Raymond Williams's dual definitions of culture as both the experience of everyday life within a society and the cultural productions that circulate within society, the book analyzes the ways that Filipinos and Puerto Ricans have been represented to affirm narratives of U.S. exceptionalism in the early twentieth century and today. It considers how recent Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural productions across multiple genres critique these justifications, and how the U.S. cultural market contains these critiques to reaffirm revised narratives of U.S. exceptionalism. This introduction provides an overview of the institutionalized narrative of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, the politics and economics of Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural representation, and hegemonic narratives of racial stereotypes in the United States.

6. The Doldrums and The New Navy (1865–1900)

2018 ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Craig L. Symonds
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The U.S

‘The doldrums and the new navy (1865–1900)’ describes the period after the end of the Civil War: an era of swift retrenchment with little forward progress. When the Civil War ended, the U.S. Navy boasted 671 warships, yet within a decade, all but a few dozen had been sold off, scrapped, or placed in ordinary—mothballed for a future crisis. The concept of a peacetime standing navy was finally embraced with Congressional approval for new battleships in 1890. The war with Spain in 1898 also resulted in the United States assuming significant authority on Cuba and gaining control of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, and Wake Island.

Changing Forms of U.S. Hegemony in Puerto Rico: The Impact on the Family and Sexuality

Itinerario ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 90-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen I. Safa
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Family ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
Operation Bootstrap ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constant Source ◽  
The U.S

It has been over a hundred years since the U.S. took control of Puerto Rico. In that time, the way in which the U.S. perceived Puerto Rico has changed from a colony requiring Americanisation to, in the 1950s, its showcase of democracy in the Caribbean, to today, an island that still retains geopolitical importance for the U.S., but represents an increasing economic burden. The failure of Operation Bootstrap, as the Puerto Rican industrialization program was known, resulted in permanent large-scale unemployment, with a population dependent on federal transfers for a living, and a constant source of migration to the mainland, where over half of Puerto Ricans now live. I shall trace the outline of these three stages in U.S. hegemony over Puerto Rico, and argue that throughout the U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico, because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. Though the removal of Spain from Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines was considered part of the its ‘manifest destiny’, the United States never intended to incorporate these people so different from the U.S. as part of the American nation, as was done with its earlier acquisitions in Texas, Alaska or even Hawaii.

Development Delayed: U.S. Economic Policy in Occupied Korea, 1945–1948

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
James I. Matray
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Military Government ◽  
World War ◽  
American Occupation ◽  
38Th Parallel ◽  
Southern Korea ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The U.S

AbstractOn 9 September 1945, U.S. military forces landed at Inchon to begin American occupation of southern Korea. For almost three years thereafter, a U.S. military government under the command of Lieutenant General John R. Hodge was responsible for civil affairs south of the 38th parallel. Its policies resulted in delaying Korea's economic development. Early in World War II, the U.S. government had begun preparations for the postwar administration of military government and civil affairs. At first, the focus was on Germany and its occupied territories, but during 1944, training began for 1,500 army and navy officers to serve in occupied Japan. The program ignored Korea, with the exception of a one-hour lecture in some classes near the end of the war. Plans to prepare civil affairs handbooks summarizing conditions in target areas for over thirty nations did not include Korea. Not surprisingly, many civil affairs officers who served in postwar Korea had trained for duty in Japan. They knew nothing about the country they were to govern and of course did not speak the language. Historians have argued that this lack of preparation was largely responsible for the failures of the American occupation. But other factors were more important in explaining the lack,

Like Cuba and the Philippines

2019 ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Jessica M. Kim
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The U.S

This chapter explores how investors based in Los Angeles expected the U.S. government to intervene on their behalf to protect personal and urban interests from the unrest caused by the Mexican Revolution and the rewriting of the Mexican Constitution in 1917. Drawing on a history of imperial interventions on the part of the United States across Latin America and the Caribbean as well as in the Philippines and Hawaii, Los Angeles investors rolled out a forceful lobbying campaign to push the federal government, particularly President Woodrow Wilson and Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane, to intervene militarily in Mexico. The effort was led by Los Angeles lawyer Thomas Gibbon and oil producer Edward Doheny, and through a lobbying organization formed in Los Angeles, the National Association for the Protection of American Rights in Mexico. These maneuvers for intervention placed Angelenos at the forefront of American foreign policy toward Mexico between 1910 and 1930.

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