Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faye Caronan
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Cultural Representation ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Filipino American ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The U.S

This book explores how Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critiques are delegitimized and obscured by U.S. imperialism and global power. Drawing on Raymond Williams's dual definitions of culture as both the experience of everyday life within a society and the cultural productions that circulate within society, the book analyzes the ways that Filipinos and Puerto Ricans have been represented to affirm narratives of U.S. exceptionalism in the early twentieth century and today. It considers how recent Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural productions across multiple genres critique these justifications, and how the U.S. cultural market contains these critiques to reaffirm revised narratives of U.S. exceptionalism. This introduction provides an overview of the institutionalized narrative of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, the politics and economics of Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural representation, and hegemonic narratives of racial stereotypes in the United States.

Bastards of U.S. Imperialism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faye Caronan
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Cultural Critique ◽  
Documentary Films ◽  
Filipino American ◽  
Paternal Relationship

This chapter explores the possibilities and limitations for Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critique by focusing on two documentary films: Camilla Benilao Griggers's Memories of a Forgotten War (2001) and Rosie Perez's Yo soy Boricua, pa'que tu lo Sepas! (I'm Puerto Rican, Just So You Know!) (2006). It considers how these two films resurrect a metaphor used to justify U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, one that imagined colonialism as paternal relationship, to discuss the notion of colonial illegitimacy. It shows how the films connect their narrators' familial illegitimacy to the metaphorical illegitimacy that manifests as illegitimate narratives that are disavowed by hegemonic narratives of U.S. benevolent assimilation and exceptionalism. The chapter argues that the films resurrect the metaphors of imperialism as heterosexual romance and paternal benevolence to question the narrative of U.S. colonial benevolence.

6. The Doldrums and The New Navy (1865–1900)

2018 ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Craig L. Symonds
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The U.S

‘The doldrums and the new navy (1865–1900)’ describes the period after the end of the Civil War: an era of swift retrenchment with little forward progress. When the Civil War ended, the U.S. Navy boasted 671 warships, yet within a decade, all but a few dozen had been sold off, scrapped, or placed in ordinary—mothballed for a future crisis. The concept of a peacetime standing navy was finally embraced with Congressional approval for new battleships in 1890. The war with Spain in 1898 also resulted in the United States assuming significant authority on Cuba and gaining control of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, and Wake Island.

Changing Forms of U.S. Hegemony in Puerto Rico: The Impact on the Family and Sexuality

Itinerario ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 90-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen I. Safa
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Family ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
Operation Bootstrap ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constant Source ◽  
The U.S

It has been over a hundred years since the U.S. took control of Puerto Rico. In that time, the way in which the U.S. perceived Puerto Rico has changed from a colony requiring Americanisation to, in the 1950s, its showcase of democracy in the Caribbean, to today, an island that still retains geopolitical importance for the U.S., but represents an increasing economic burden. The failure of Operation Bootstrap, as the Puerto Rican industrialization program was known, resulted in permanent large-scale unemployment, with a population dependent on federal transfers for a living, and a constant source of migration to the mainland, where over half of Puerto Ricans now live. I shall trace the outline of these three stages in U.S. hegemony over Puerto Rico, and argue that throughout the U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico, because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. Though the removal of Spain from Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines was considered part of the its ‘manifest destiny’, the United States never intended to incorporate these people so different from the U.S. as part of the American nation, as was done with its earlier acquisitions in Texas, Alaska or even Hawaii.

The Imperial Republic: A Comparison of the Insular Territories under U.S. Dominion after 1898

2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lanny Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Body ◽  
European American ◽  
Military Government ◽  
The U.S

The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai'i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people's language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.

scholarly journals Colonial Citizens of a Modern Empire: War, Illiteracy, and Physical Education in Puerto Rico, 1917-1930

2013 ◽  
Vol 87 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 30-61
Author(s):  
Solsiree del Moral
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Physical Education ◽  
World War I ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
The United States ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
The U.S

Abstract The year 1917 marked a critical moment in the relationship between the United States and its Puerto Rican colony. It was the year the U.S. Congress approved the Jones Act, which further consolidated the island’s colonial relationship to the empire. Through the Jones Act, U.S. Congressmen granted Puerto Ricans U.S. citizenship. In turn, Puerto Rican men were asked to fulfill the obligations of their new colonial citizenship and join the U.S. military. The Porto Rican Regiment provided 18,000 colonial military recruits to guard the Panama Canal during the war. How did historical actors make sense of this new colonial citizenship? How did they interpret, debate, and adapt to the newly consolidated colonial status? This essay examines how local teachers and educators defined colonial citizenship. Puerto Rican teachers struggled to promote a citizenship-building project that cultivated student commitment to the patria (the island), while acknowledging the colonial relationship to the United States. In the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s, teachers debated military participation in World War I and the rights and obligations of U.S. citizenship. At the core, these debates were informed by anxieties over broader changes in constructions of gender. In the 1920s, Puerto Rico women aggressively and persistently challenged traditional gender norms. Working-class women joined the labor force in ever larger numbers and led labor strikes. Bourgeois women became teachers, nurses, and social workers. Both groups were committed suffragists. The historiography on citizenship and gender in the 1920s has focused on women’s emerging role in public spaces and their demands for just labor rights and the franchise. In this article, I propose we look at teachers, as intermediate actors in the colonial hierarchy, and examine their anxieties over changing gender norms. They debated men’s capacity to serve in the U.S. military and promoted modern physical education for the regeneration of boys and girls in the service of their patria. Debates among teachers in the 1920s sought to define the new category of colonial citizenship. As they did so, they helped liberalize some gender norms, while ultimately reinforcing patriarchy.

Migration and Union Dissolution among Puerto Rican Women

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 671-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy S. Landale ◽  
Nimfa B. Ogena
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
Union Dissolution ◽  
Puerto Rican Women ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Union Instability ◽  
First And Second Generation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

This study examines the relationship between migration and union dissolution among Puerto Ricans, a Latino subgroup characterized by recurrent migration between Puerto Rico and the U.S. mainland. Based on pooled life-history data from comparable surveys undertaken in Puerto Rico and the United States, we find that: 1) Puerto Rican women who have lived on the U.S. mainland have markedly higher rates of union disruption than those with no U.S. experience; and 2) even net of a wide variety of possible explanatory factors, the relatively high rates of union instability among first and second generation U.S. residents and return migrants are strongly related to recent and lifetime migration experience. The results suggest that the weak social ties of migrants provide limited social support for their unions and few barriers to union disruption.

President Taft and the Puerto Rican Appropriation Crisis of 1909

1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Truman R. Clark
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Secretary Of War

William Howard Taft was a central participant at the birth of American imperialism. He won praises for his work with the Philippine Islands, first as head of the commission created to restore the Islands to a peaceful state, then as the first civil governor. He gave up this office to become Secretary of War under President Theodore Roosevelt in 1905. In his position in the Cabinet Taft had direct or indirect oversight over most of America's scattered empire.By March, 1909, when Taft succeeded Roosevelt in the Presidency, the constitution of the American empire had largely been formulated, even if strictly speaking, it had not been formalized. Civil governments had been set up in Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands. The “insular cases” of 1901 had defined the limits of claims of the dependent peoples upon the Constitution of the United States; the new possessions were neither foreign nor domestic, and thus even though the Constitution did not follow the flag, tariffs might. The only armed resistance to American control—in the Philippines—had long since ended. It was then to the surprise and dismay of President Taft that tiny Puerto Rico immediately presented a hostile challenge to his new administration, the constitutional rebellion known as the appropriation crisis of 1909.

Legitimizing Empire

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faye Caronan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
American Military ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
Performance Poetry ◽  
Global Welfare

When the United States acquired the Philippines and Puerto Rico, it reconciled its status as an empire with its anticolonial roots by claiming that it would altruistically establish democratic institutions in its new colonies. Ever since, Filipino and Puerto Rican artists have challenged promises of benevolent assimilation and portray U.S. imperialism as both self-interested and unexceptional among empires. This book interprets the pivotal engagement of novels, films, performance poetry, and other cultural productions as both symptoms of and resistance against American military, social, economic, and political incursions. Though the Philippines became an independent nation and Puerto Rico a U.S. commonwealth, both remain subordinate to the United States. The book's juxtaposition reveals two different yet simultaneous models of U.S. neocolonial power and contradicts American exceptionalism as a reluctant empire that only accepts colonies for the benefit of the colonized and global welfare. Its analysis, meanwhile, demonstrates how popular culture allows for alternative narratives of U.S. imperialism, but also functions to contain those alternatives.

Rates of Cesarean Delivery Among Puerto Rican Women - Puerto Rico and the U.S. Mainland, 1992-2002

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Varela-Flores ◽  
◽  
H. Vázquez-Rivera ◽  
F. Menacker ◽  
Y. Ahmed ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Cesarean Delivery ◽  
Puerto Rican Women ◽  
The U.S

scholarly journals Granice rzeczywiste i symboliczne. Przypadek Portoryko.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Kaganiec-Kamieńska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Main Part ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Us ◽  
Puerto Rican Diaspora

Borders and Boundaries, Real and Symbolic: The Case of Puerto RicoThe aim of this article is to outline the real and symbolic borders and boundaries, of geographical, political, cultural and racial nature, in the history and present of Puerto Rico, and their role in shaping and transforming the Puerto Rican identity. The main part of the article focuses on the borders and boundaries between Puerto Rico and the United States. The second part looks at the lines dividing the population in the island and the Puerto Rican diaspora in the US. Granice rzeczywiste i symboliczne. Przypadek PortorykoCelem artykułu jest zarysowanie rzeczywistych i symbolicznych granic, geograficznych, politycznych, rasowych i kulturowych, wpisujących się w historię i współczesność Portoryko oraz ich roli w kształtowaniu się i przekształcaniu tożsamości portorykańskiej. Główna część artykułu skupia się na granicach biegnących między Portoryko a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. W drugiej części wskazano linie podziału powstałe między mieszkańcami wyspy a diasporą portorykańską w USA.

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