The origins of the Catholic Social Guild in Scotland: ‘We have not attacked the Socialists professedly’

2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Potocki

The activities of John Wheatley's Catholic Socialist Society have been analysed in terms of liberating Catholics from clerical dictation in political matters. Yet, beyond the much-discussed clerical backlash against Wheatley, there has been little scholarly attention paid to a more constructive response offered by progressive elements within the Catholic Church. The discussion that follows explores the development of the Catholic social movement from 1906, when the Catholic Socialist Society was formed, up until 1918 when the Catholic Social Guild, an organisation founded by the English Jesuit Charles Plater, had firmly established its local presence in the west of Scotland. This organisation played an important role in the realignment of Catholic politics in this period, and its main activity was the dissemination of the Church's social message among the working-class laity. The Scottish Catholic Church, meanwhile, thanks in large part to Archbishop John Aloysius Maguire of Glasgow, became more amenable to social reform and democracy.

Horizons ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-289
Author(s):  
Edmund Chia

ABSTRACTThe document Dominus Iesus, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith on September 5, 2000, was perhaps the most talked-about document in recent church history, both within and without the Catholic Church. Some of the reactions to it, which came from all quarters, were profound, and provided both a field day for the mass media and much data for theological reflections. Significantly missing from theological journals in the West, however, is the response of the Asian church and its implications for Asian theologies. This is a serious omission since Dominus Iesus, seems to have been written because of and for the Asian church in general and its theologians in particular. The present essay, therefore, looks at this Asian factor, especially in the context of the renewal inaugurated by the Second Vatican Council.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-221
Author(s):  
Brendan Luyt

The academic journal has been a key element of the scholarly world for some time and as a key component of this world it deserves historical examination. But this has not often been forthcoming, especially for regions of the world outside the Anglo-American core. In this article I examine the content of the early years of Philippine Studies. Founded in 1953, it has survived and prospered up to the present day as a vehicle for scholarly studies of the Philippines. The content of the early years of Philippine Studies (1953–66) reflected a desire on the part of its editors and many of its authors and supporters to create a Philippine society based on the teachings of the Catholic Church, one that would be strong enough to create a middle path between communism and liberalism. Articles published during this period advocated social reform based on the teachings of the Catholic Church; these articles also aired warnings about the communist threat to the Philippines and the world. But alongside these materials were literary and historical studies that also, but in a more indirect fashion, supported the project of Catholic-inspired social reform.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 612-645
Author(s):  
Kimba Allie Tichenor

In 1969, the newly elected coalition government of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) in West Germany announced plans to reform Paragraph 218, the law that regulated women's access to abortion. This announcement prompted a public debate in West Germany on the state's obligation to protect unborn life—a debate that continues today in reunified Germany. Through an analysis of key events in that debate between 1969 and 1989, this article makes a twofold argument. First it argues that despite West Germany's increasingly secular orientation, the Catholic Church exercised significant political influence with respect to abortion policy throughout the history of the Federal Republic. Second, it argues that the West German Church's participation in these debates exposed deep rifts within the Catholic community, which, in turn, contributed to the formation of a smaller, more activist, and conservative Church. This smaller Church has achieved a remarkable degree of political success in reunified Germany by mobilizing its conservative core constituency, embracing new arguments, and pursuing issue-specific alliances.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roman Fischer ◽  
Jourden Travis Moger

AbstractJohannes Dietenberger (ca. 1475–1537), native of Frankfurt am Main, university-trained Doctor of Theology, and Dominican friar, served as prior in Frankfurt and Koblenz during the 1525 Urban Revolt of the German Peasants’ War and the early Protestant Reformation, respectively. Like Martin Luther, Dietenberger translated the Bible into the vernacular German after consulting recently published Greek and Hebrew biblical texts; however, unlike Luther he produced a translation that remained true to the Latin Vulgate and the traditional teachings of the Catholic Church. Dietenberger aimed to counter those parts of Luther’s translation which contradicted Catholic tradition, and at the same time to provide a translation whose language was less coarse and offensive. Still, there were more commonalities between the translations of Luther and Dietenberger than earlier research in controversial theology assumed. Overshadowed by the famous Wittenberg reformer and slandered by polemical Protestant scholarship of previous centuries, Dietenberger and his Bible translation have never received the scholarly attention they deserve. This article represents an attempt to correct the oversight.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 608-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Cortés

André Jarlan was a French priest murdered by the Chilean police during a protest against the dictatorship in the working-class neighbourhood of La Victoria. In this article, I will show how the Jarlan case can be framed in what the sociology of Luc Boltanski calls affaire. The Jarlan case, through the denunciation of the murder, contributed to develop a generalisation of the critique of the dictatorship, giving visibility to other crimes and allowing the re-humanization of its victims. This case shows that the critical capacities of people and the claim for justice can be mobilized with success even in an unfavourable situation such as a dictatorship. The condition of the victim (a priest), the accuser (the Catholic Church), the executioner (the dictatorship), and the cause (the pobladores) are the elements that will give exemplarity to this case that morally defeats the Chilean dictatorship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11-12 ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Leszek Molendowski

Strajk robotników w Stoczni Gdańskiej im. Lenina w sierpniu 1980 roku oprócz znacznego poparcia społecznego spotkał się z uznaniem, wsparciem oraz pomocą ze strony jedynej niezależnej od władz komunistycznych organizacji w PRL, Kościoła katolickiego. Wśród jego przedstawicieli nie zabrakło duchownych „zza klasztornej furty” – zakonników, których na terytorium diecezji gdańskiej nie brakowało. Gdańscy dominikanie, franciszkanie konwentualni, jezuici, pallotyni, reformaci, oblaci i wielu innych w różnym zakresie oraz stopniu zaangażowania włączyli się w działania na rzecz NSZZ „Solidarność”. Działania te dotyczyły związku zawodowego oraz rodzącego się przy Solidarności ruchu społecznego. Związek i ruch otrzymały wsparcie zakonników nie tylko poprzez opiekę duszpasterską, ale również przez organizowane na ich rzecz zbiórki pieniężne, współudział oraz organizację niezależnego życia artystycznego, pisarskiego, wydawniczego czy pomoc represjonowanym członkom Solidarności i ich rodzinom. Abstract Apart from considerable public support, the workers’ strike at the Lenin Gdańsk Shipyard in August 1980 received recognition and help from the only organization independent of the communist authorities in the Polish People’s Republic: the Catholic Church. Among its representatives there were some monastery clergymen – monks, of whom there were quite a few in the Gdańsk diocese. Dominican friars of Gdańsk, Conventual Franciscans, Jesuits, Pallottines, Reformists, Oblates and many others joined the activities of NSZZ (Independent Self-Governing Trade Union) “Solidarity” and were involved in one way or another. Their activities concentrated on the trade union and the social movement that was emerging around “Solidarity”. The union and the movement received the support of the monks not only through pastoral care, but also through fundraising, organization, and participation in independent artistic, writing and publishing life, as well as through the help given to the repressed members of “Solidarity” and their families.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (11) ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Thomas Pirog ◽  

The creeping expansion of euthanasia around the world, but especially in the West, is a concern for any moral theologian. This expansion has already reached beyond the elderly into younger and objectively healthier groups, including children. The stance of the Catholic Church is that euthanasia is never permissible and must combat philosophies and laws that support it as fervently as possible.


1965 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léo Moulin

The religious Orders are, together with the Catholic Church, the oldest political institutions in the West and the only ones to have developed without any break in continuity. St Benedict, the ‘Father of Europe’, founded his first monastery when the Angles, Jutes and Saxons were invading Britain. The Benedictine rule still exacts obedience from thousands today. The Camaldolese and the Vallombrosians existed before the battle of Hastings, the Carthusians date from the same time (1084): both live today by the same rule, according to the same constitutions, clothed in the same habit as their distant predecessors. Exactly one hundred years before Magna Carta, the system of supranational parliamentary assembly was in operation – a system which still governs the monks of citeaux and which, in one form or another, has served as a model for all the religious institutes which have followed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Arpad von Klimo

Abstract Cardinal Mindszenty was head of the Catholic Church of Hungary between 1945 and 1974, but had been imprisoned between 1949 and 1956 and hiding in the US embassy in Budapest from 1956 to 1971. In 1971, Mindszenty left the country and settled in Vienna after long negotiations between the Vatican and the Hungarian communist government. When he visited the Hungarian diaspora and non-Hungarian followers in the West between 1972 and his death in 1975, controversies about communism, Catholicism, and Western society and social change in general erupted. This article analyzes these controversies and the different groups that supported the cardinal and their understanding of anticommunism in the context of a changing West German society and against the background of changes within the Catholic world after Vatican II. The ideas about communism Mindszenty and his right-wing supporters formulated were outdated in the 1970s but had a long afterlife.


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