scholarly journals An Assessment of Special Military Operations in Internal Security Management in Nigeria (1966-2019)

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-153
Author(s):  
Muhammad Maigari Abdullahi ◽  
Usman Ahmad Karofi ◽  
Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Quadir ◽  
Ibrahim Arafat
Keyword(s):  
Security Management ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Foreign Missions ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Special Operations ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
The Military

This article identifies different operational codenames adopted by the Nigerian military in special domestic operations from 1966-2019 and examined whether the operations were executed in line with the codenames. In Nigeria, the military has an established tradition of codenaming special operations, in both internal and foreign missions. Since 1966, the Nigerian military has been involved in internal security management and codenamed all the operations using both English and local language names. The aftermath of the first military coup d'état on 15th January 1966, was the beginning of military involvement in domestic security operations in addition to their constitutional responsibility of defending the territorial integrity of the country. The Effect Perspective (TEP) is adopted as the theoretical framework which gives proper nuance to the study. Methodologically, data were elicited through in-depth interviews. The findings explain why several military operations have failed to achieve the objectives of their codenames. It concludes that there is no correlation between the operational codenames and their outcomes of special military operations in Nigeria because the desired results of restoring peace have not been achieved within the specific time frame given when they were launched. The paper concludes that the majority of special military operations launched in Nigeria failed below expectations and unable to restore peace in their country in line with the operational codenames as a result of factors identified in the study.

Papua New Guinea: Volatile but Coupless

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.J. May
Keyword(s):  
Papua New Guinea ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Guinea ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Government ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
Civilian Authority ◽  
The Military

Before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, its military consisted of a Pacific Island Regiment under the Australian Army’s Northern Command. In preparation for independence, there was considerable debate over whether the independent country should have a military force. Provision was made for the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in the constitution, with a strong emphasis on the supremacy of the civilian authority. In the first decade of independence, the PNGDF was called out to assist police in internal security operations, but the priority of its role in internal security was not officially recognized until 1991. The deployment of the PNGDF to Bougainville to assist police in operations against what became the separatist Bougainville Revolutionary Army involved a heavy commitment of troops to a long-running conflict and was marked by a number of confrontations between the military and political leaders. This culminated in the Sandline affair, in which the PNGDF commander stepped in to terminate a contract between the government and the military consultants Sandline International and called on the prime minister to resign (but did not attempt to take over the government). After the Sandline affair and with the Bougainville Peace Agreement, relations between government and military improved, but several incidents involving PNGDF personnel led Prime Minister Morauta to speak of a “culture of instability” within the PNGDF and to invite a review by a Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. Confrontations between the military and government, however, have consistently stopped short of attempted coup. The most plausible explanation for this may lie in the localized, competitive, and fractious nature of political power in Papua New Guinea, the absence of a dominant ethnic group, and the difficulties that even a legitimate, elected government has in maintaining law and order and service delivery across the country.

Building Security through Insecurity: The Nigerian Military and Counter-Violence Campaigns in the Fourth Republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-200
Author(s):  
Segun Joshua ◽  
Daniel Gberevbie ◽  
Kester Onor
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
The Military

Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.

Civil-Military Relations Post-9/11

2019 ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Donald S. Travis
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Special Operations ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Special Operations Forces ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Post-9/11 civil-military challenges associated with sustained military operations against assorted enemies in Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, and other regions around the world are examined through the Clausewitzian concept known as the "paradoxical trinity" of the people, the military establishment, and the civilian government. As America's wars are conducted by a consortium of land forces that General Peter Schoomaker once characterized as a "new strategic triad" composed of the Army and Marines with Special Operations Forces (SOF), the Clausewitzian framework is employed to help reassess three interrelated lessons drawn from the Vietnam War: the legality of war, the use of advanced weapons and their associated strategies, and the persistent debates over how best to employ military power focused on conventional versus unconventional forces' roles, missions, and tactics. Potential futures of landpower and civil-military relations are identified and discussed to challenge current political and military policies and stimulate further inquiry.

scholarly journals THE MILITARY AND INTERNAL SECURITY OPERATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA

2017 ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
DAVID PION-BERLIN
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Police Work ◽  
Collateral Damage ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Precise Nature ◽  
Civilian Protection ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
The Military

The nature of 21st century threats to internal security require, in certain situations, the introduction of the armed forces. Can the military be used effectively, and in ways that are consistent with standards of humane conduct, and that will minimize collateral damage? It very much depends on the precise nature of the operation. It is important to know whether an operation coincides with a military’s professional skills and preferences. The probability of operational success and civilian protection is enhanced when the operation is congruent with military capabilities, where soldiers can confine themselves to military-like operations and not engage in police work.  

scholarly journals The Military Dimension of Niger Delta Crisis and Its Implications on Nigeria National Security

SAGE Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402092289
Author(s):  
Opeoluwa Adisa Oluyemi
Keyword(s):  
Niger Delta ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Structural Framework ◽  
The Military

This article uses qualitative research method to obtain information from high-profiled respondents through verbal interaction in semi-structured interviews in addition to some secondary data to examine the military dimension of Niger Delta crisis and its implications on security sectors in Nigeria. The Nigerian militarized political system attests to the influence of long-term military rule in the country thereby the perpetual deployment of Nigerian armed forces to complement the duty of police in ensuring internal security has been found unassailable within Nigerian democratic governments. Consequently, there have been numerous cases of civilian casualties characterizing the historical record of these military interventions in which the case of Niger delta crisis has been no exception. This article finds it worthwhile to examine the outcomes of these military operations in Niger delta crisis over security sectors in Nigeria and finds them to be terrifically counterproductive. The result unveils the impracticality of military armed forces becoming instrumental in addressing economic and environmental insecurities of a state as well as the need to expand the agenda of security beyond the military armed forces. Theoretically, this article uses the Copenhagen School of Security Studies’ (CS) conceptualization of security sectors as conceptual and structural framework of the study.

The Missing Piece of the Puzzle: The EMASYA Protocol and Civil-Military Relations in Turkey

2022 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110665
Author(s):  
Ayfer Genç Yılmaz
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Public Order ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Institutional Mechanism

The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol ( Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of “reformulated new professionalism” for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anomalies in civil-military relations in Turkey.

Exploring New Roles for the Philippine Military: Implications for Civilian Supremacy

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-130
Author(s):  
Rosalie Arcala Hall
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Civic Action ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
The Military

The Philippine military performs on array of traditional (internal security and external defense) and non-traditional (development, disaster relief and rehabilitation, and environmental protection) functions. Historically, it was preoccupied with counterinsurgency operations, which included civic action and development component. After 7 986, the military's role in internal security operations has been streamlined and circumscribed by statutes which criminalize human rights violations. Plans for the military to shift to on external defense mode in 7 995 was scuttled after renewed insurgency threat. There was also a parallel expansion in the military's non-traditional functions after the transition owing to pragmatic considerations by civilian authorities to put the military's resources to use.

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