scholarly journals Electronic Waste Governance under “One Country, Two Systems”: Hong Kong and Mainland China

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (11) ◽  
pp. 2347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Wong
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Electronic Waste ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Management Strategies ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Policy Network ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems

China is one of the largest e-waste dumping sites in the world, and Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous territory in China, is also affected by illegal e-waste disposal and transfer. While the Chinese government implemented a waste import ban in January 2018, Hong Kong has not enforced Chinese policies under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Drawing on a policy network approach, this paper provides an explanatory framework for e-waste governance in Hong Kong and China, and identifies the major obstacles to shaping effective transboundary e-waste control and prevention. The paper argues that institutional arrangements play a dominant role in governing e-waste policy networks at the local level of governance in Hong Kong and China; however, a lack of accountability and capacity at the transboundary level can explain the different waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) management strategies in these two places.

scholarly journals The Law and Politics of the Struggle for Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong, 2013–15

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert H.Y. CHEN
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political System ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems

AbstractPost-1997 Hong Kong under the constitutional framework of “One Country Two Systems” has a political system that may be characterized as a “semi-democracy.” Hong Kong’s constitutional instrument—the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China—provides that the ultimate goal of the evolution of Hong Kong’s political system is the election of its Chief Executive by universal suffrage. Since 2003, a democracy movement has developed in Hong Kong that campaigned for the speedy introduction of such universal suffrage. In 2007, the Chinese government announced that universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong may be introduced in 2017. In 2014, the Chinese government announced further details of the electoral model. The model was rejected by Hong Kong’s Legislative Council in 2015, with the result that the election of the Chief Executive in 2017 would not materialize. This article seeks to tell this story of Hong Kong’s quest for democratization, focusing particularly on the context and background of the “Occupy Central” Movement that emerged in 2013 and its aftermath. It suggests that the struggle for universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive in 2017 and the obstacles it faced reveal the underlying tensions behind, and the contradictions inherent in, the concept and practice of “One Country, Two Systems,” particularly the conflict between the Communist Party-led socialist political system in mainland China and the aspirations towards Western-style liberal democracy on the part of “pan-democrats” and their supporters in Hong Kong.

Jie Huang: Interregional Recognition and Enforcement of Civil and Commercial Judgments

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tan Lee Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Us ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
The Status ◽  
Recognition And Enforcement ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One

AbstractReview of “Interregional Recognition and Enforcement of Civil and Commercial Judgments” by Professor Jie Huang (Oxford and Portland, Oregon: Hart Publishing, 2014) which analyses the status quo of judgment recognition and enforcement in the Mainland China, Macao and Hong Kong under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ regime. The book also presents a comparative study of the interregional recognition and enforcement of judgments in the US and EU.

Jie Huang: Interregional Recognition and Enforcement of Civil and Commercial Judgments, Oxford and Portland, OR: Hart Publishing, 2014, 352 pp. Hardcover £65/€84.50

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 381-385
Author(s):  
Tan Lee Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Us ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
The Status ◽  
Recognition And Enforcement ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One

AbstractReview of “Interregional Recognition and Enforcement of Civil and Commercial Judgments” by Professor Jie Huang (Oxford and Portland, Oregon: Hart Publishing, 2014) which analyses the status quo of judgment recognition and enforcement in the Mainland China, Macao and Hong Kong under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ regime. The book also presents a comparative study of the interregional recognition and enforcement of judgments in the US and EU.

One Country, Two Systems

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The State ◽  
Deng Xiaoping ◽  
Systems Model ◽  
The People ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One

Deng Xiaoping (b. 1903–d. 1997) secured power and launched a policy program of economic reforms and an opening to the external world at the end of 1978. He also initiated a peace offensive toward Taiwan, and had to face a new challenge in China’s Hong Kong policy. In January 1979, the Chinese authorities announced a nine-point proposal for solving the Taiwan issue and guaranteed that after reunification, the existing economic and social systems, as well as the way of life, would remain unchanged. Subsequently, the new Constitution of the People’s Republic of China promulgated in December 1982 contains a new provision; Article 31 states, “The state may establish special administrative regions (SAR) when necessary” (available online). In March 1979, Sir Murray MacLehose (b. 1917–d. 2000), then Governor of Hong Kong, visited Beijing. He met Deng Xiaoping and formally raised “the New Territories lease” question. Chinese leaders gradually began to understand that the Hong Kong future issue could no longer be delayed. The view of recovery gained a distinct edge; Liao Chengzhi (b. 1908–d. 1983), head of the newly established Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council, was given the responsibility of planning for the recovery of the territory. In April 1981, he proposed the “one country, two systems” model policy, which demonstrated the Chinese leadership’s liberation in thinking at that time. The leadership was eager to show the world that China could govern Hong Kong better than the British colonial administration; it wanted the Hong Kong model to have a significant demonstration effect on Taiwan. The policy played a key role in maintaining the confidence of Hong Kong people, and facilitated Chinese leaders’ success in the Sino-British negotiations on the territory’s future. In the decade and a half since Hong Kong’s return to China, the “one country, two systems” model has been working quite well. Stability and prosperity have been maintained; the rule of law and the freedoms enjoyed by the people have been largely intact. Hong Kong’s relative international economic competitiveness has been in slow decline, and the economy has become increasingly dependent on that of Mainland China.

The influence of SAR government performance on people’s trust toward Central government

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-58
Author(s):  
Hin Wah Chris Cheung ◽  
Man Yum Larry So ◽  
Chi U. Francis Choi ◽  
Chin Fung Philip Chow
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the influence of Special Administrative Region (SAR) performance on the “trust” of Hong Kong and Macau people, who “live” under similar context of “one country, two systems,” toward Beijing Central Government. The different perceptions, relating to the abovementioned issue, of the young peoples’ are also investigated. Implication for civic education in these two societies will be brought to light. Design/methodology/approach This study adopts secondary data analysis on the captioned topic. To further illustrate the said issue, this study reviews and analyzes data from protest campaigns in both societies. Findings This paper finds that the performance of Hong Kong and Macau SAR Governments has different impacts on the peoples’ “trust” toward Central Government. It may attribute to the different perceptions about the role of Central Government and levels of democratization in these societies. Civic education emphasizing the “core spirit” of “One country, two systems,” roles of SAR and Central Governments could enable young people better comprehend their relationship with Mainland China and their role as SAR–Chinese citizens. Originality/value This paper is an exploratory study for providing implications for further research on this topic.

scholarly journals Judicial cooperation in criminal matters in the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau. Through the lens of “one country, two systems” and the surrender of fugitives to Mainland China

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 737
Author(s):  
Miguel Manero de Lemos ◽  
Teresa Lancry Robalo
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Judicial Cooperation ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
Criminal Matters

Este artigo divide-se em três partes. A Parte I (O sistema constitucional das Regiões Administrativas Especiais de Hong Kong e Macau) fornece o enquadramento histórico das Regiões Administrativas Especiais de Hong Kong e Macau e introduz as ordens constitucionais das Regiões Administrativas Especiais de Hong Kong e Macau da República Democrática da China existentes à luz do princípio “um país, dois sistemas”. É feita uma referência aos principais desenvolvimentos constitucionais ocorridos nas primeiras décadas de existências dessas regiões administrativas especiais. A Parte II (Cooperação judicial em matéria criminal nas Regiões Administrativas Especiais) explica como é que as referidas ordens constitucionais influenciam o quadro jurídico existente relativo à cooperação judicial em matéria criminal, o qual se aplica à cooperação com outros Estados ou territórios, mas não à cooperação entre as várias jurisdições existentes na China, cooperação esta para a qual não existem regras positivadas atualmente em vigor. Examinam-se as regras em vigor em Hong Kong e em Macau sobre a entrega de fugitivos para outros países. A parte III (A entrega de fugitivos à China continental) lida particularmente com a questão da detenção e entrega de cidadãos chineses de Hong Kong e Macau à China continental. Fornece uma visão geral dos casos vindos a público e do dilema jurídico criado pela falta de regras específicas relativas à entrega de fugitivos dentro do “um país”.

Trans-contextualized cross-border student choice under “one country, two systems” from Hong Kong to Mainland China for higher education

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Y.C. Te
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Parental Influence ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Educational Choice ◽  
Content Type ◽  
First Choice ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
Hong Kong Students ◽  
One Country Two Systems

PurposeThis article examines the complexity and dynamics of Hong Kong students' choice to pursue undergraduate education in Mainland China under the context of “one country, two systems.”Design/methodology/approachThis study mainly draws on primary data from in-depth interviews of 51 Hong Kong students studying in Mainland universities. Qualitative approach of inquiry is adopted to probe into the underlying reasons and processes undergone during the educational choice.FindingsAcademic factors push Hong Kong students away from local universities due to the failure of getting admissions in preferred programs or universities, and pull them toward Mainland universities due to attractions of specific universities and programs. During three phases of decision-making process, different influencing factors have conditioned three orientations: pragmatists enrolled in their aspired programs as the first choice, achievers utilized a fast-track path to enter elite universities and underachievers treated such study opportunity as a last resort for a degree.Originality/valueThis article contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics of educational choice to higher education in Hong Kong at a strategic point of time. It explains how the macro political/policy and sociocultural contexts, the institutional influences of hosting universities and sending secondary schools, perceived parental influence and students' personal characteristics have shaped students' college choice.

Erratum to ‘Health care in Hong Kong and mainland China: one country, two systems?’

Health Policy ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Karen A Fitzner ◽  
Sheryl Coughlin ◽  
Cecilia Tomori ◽  
Charles L Bennett
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems

scholarly journals Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ngok Ma
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Special Administrative Region ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Administrative Region ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems

The Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong (HKSAR) was established in 1997 when China recovered sovereignty over Hong Kong following the terms set out in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration. The Chinese government promised to adopt “One Country, Two Systems,” keeping the capitalist system and lifestyle of Hong Kong “fifty years unchanged.” Hong Kong was promised a high level of autonomy, with civil liberties, rule of law, and judicial independence guaranteed in the Basic Law, the mini-constitution. With universal suffrage elections promised in the Basic Law but never delivered, the struggle over democratization has been the top item on the political agenda for decades. The issue of democratization defines the major political cleavage, with the democrats seeing a democratic government as key to defending Hong Kong’s autonomy, rule of law, and civil rights. The study of politics in the HKSAR mostly centers around several themes: the struggle over democratization, China–Hong Kong relations, the perennial governing crisis of the HKSAR government, and state-business and state-society relations. Knowledge of colonial politics and governance and the social and political changes since the transition period (1984–1997) is vital for understanding present-day Hong Kong politics. The gist of the promise of “One Country, Two Systems” was a continuation of the status quo beyond 1997. The political formula and governing philosophy under the colonial regime were seen as major reasons for the “stability and prosperity” of Hong Kong. The conventional wisdom was that Hong Kong’s success was due to a minimalist state. In-depth studies of colonial politics revealed a more complicated state-business and state-society relationship. The roles of state and political configurations have also undergone a lot of changes since the 1980s. Yet business dominance/hegemony and state-business alliance remain common conceptual tools to understand the post-1997 politics of Hong Kong. Recent studies on Hong Kong politics tend to cast Hong Kong in the light of “hybrid regimes.” With more control and intervention from China, the focus is on to what extent the autonomy and freedom of Hong Kong can be maintained, and how Hong Kong people resist a democratic recession or fight for reform. The rise of new social movements, massive mobilizations, the birth of a new political identity, and value changes in recent years all contributed to the historic 2014 Umbrella Movement. The 2014 Movement brought about a new stage of self-determination currents and more intervention from China.

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