L'Élaboration de L'Immigrant Américan

1994 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 929-949 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanne Chase
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  

«The depressing and harassing nature of thefrightful, restless life I hve hre has made amush of my mind ».Un sujet de Sa Majesté George III débarquant en 1774 à New York dans les colonies britanniques de l'Amérique du Nord, n'avait en fait pas quitté le royaume. S'il était arrivé en 1783, il aurait dû traverser une frontière, aurait été reçu et perçu comme un étranger. 100 000 étrangers au minimum passèrent par New York, le premier port d'accueil, entre 1783 et 1820, dont trois sur quatre étaient sujets britanniques. Fort peu y restèrent. En 1805, ou encore en 1820, la ville comptait environ 5 000 citadins étrangers. Quelques-uns devinrent citoyens —1806, dont trois femmes — entre 1792 et 1820 (tableau 1). Les problèmes posés à la ville étaient donc d'ordre institutionnel, financier et surtout politique, ce dernier point devenant bien plus difficile à résoudre que par le passé car, si le sujet britannique jurait allégeance à la personne du roi, le citoyen des États-Unis, lui, prêtait serment envers un corps politique corporatif et souverain dont il était membre. Pour la République, l'allégeance n'était plus un simple geste. Elle était un état d'esprit.

Author(s):  
D.H. Robinson

This chapter looks at the impact of geopolitical thinking on colonial conceptions of nationality. Paying particular attention to the influential parties that gathered around the Livingston family in New York and William Smith in Philadelphia during the 1750s, it shows how the idea of Britain as the ‘arbiter of Europe’ informed a continentalist understanding of Britain as a nation defined by its unique role in the European system. This, in turn, left an enormous mark on the way in which colonists conceived of the Hanoverian monarchy, underwriting the personality cults of George II and—in his early reign—George III. Similar phenomena affected other national leaders, most notably William Pitt the Elder. At the same time, the continentalist flavour of colonial nationalism promoted a porous kind of Britishness, allowing for the incorporation of settlers from other parts of Europe like the Netherlands and Germany, and even other religious groups—including, on some rare occasions, Roman Catholics and non-Europeans.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-72
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Weddle

This chapter covers in detail British strategy development in late 1776 and early 1777. During this period, British senior leaders—King George III, Lord George Germain, Lieutenant General John Burgoyne, and General Sir William Howe—created a military strategy they hoped would win the war in 1777. Howe’s plans called for an offensive to seize Philadelphia and Burgoyne’s a three-pronged offensive to split the rebellion in half. The chapter covers the competing plans in detail, the underlying assumptions, and the failure of British leaders to reconcile and coordinate Howe’s and Burgoyne’s plans. Instead of one comprehensive strategy commanded by one leader, the British essentially unleashed two uncoordinated military strategies without unity of command. The 3,000 miles between London and Howe’s headquarters in New York exacerbated the poor coordination. An appendix lists all the key orders and meetings and demonstrates the key issues that led to the faulty British strategy.


1984 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-173
Author(s):  
J. R. Lucas

“Towards a Theory of Taxation” is a proper theme for an Englishman to take when giving a paper in America. After all it was from the absence of such a theory that the United States derived its existence. The Colonists felt strongly that there should be no taxation without representation, and George III was unable to explain to them convincingly why they should contribute to the cost of their defense. Since that time, understanding has not advanced much. In Britain we still maintain the fiction that taxes are a voluntary gift to the Crown, and taxing statutes are given the Royal Assent with the special formula, “La Reine remercie ses bons sujets, accepte leur benevolence, et ainsi le veult” instead of the simple “La Reine le veult,” and in the United States taxes have regularly been levied on residents of the District of Columbia who until recently had no representation in Congress, and by the State of New York on those who worked but did not reside in the State, and so did not have a vote. Taxes are regularly levied, in America as elsewhere, on those who have no say on whether they should be levied or how they should be spent. I am taxed by the Federal Government on my American earnings and by state governments on my American spending, but I should be hard put to it to make out that it was unjust. Florida is wondering whether to follow California in taxing multinational corporations on their world-wide earnings.


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