Enjeux des politiques participatives autour des espaces naturels protégés d'Amérique Latine. Le cas du Parc National Nevado de Toluca (Mexique) et le Parc National de la Amistad (Costa Rica) (Participative politics around protected natural spaces in Latin America. The cases of Nevado de Toluca NP (Mexico) and La Amistad NP (Costa Rica))

2011 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Salinas-Rojas ◽  
Diane Roussel
1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.


Check List ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1810
Author(s):  
Kirstern Lica Follmann Haseyama ◽  
Alessandre Pereira-Colavite ◽  
Claudio José Barros De Carvalho

The geographical distribution of Muscidae from Latin America has been extended. The following eight genera, including 28 species, were collected: Cyrtoneurina (2 spp.), Cyrtoneuropsis (8 spp.), Dolichophaonia (1 sp.), Neomuscina (7 spp.), Ophyra (1 sp.), Phaonia (2 spp.), Philornis (5 spp.), and Polietina (2 spp.). New records and additional collecting data have been provided for Brazil, Colombia, and Costa Rica, including reference maps for the species listed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-105
Author(s):  
Francesca Cesa Bianchi

After an analysis of gaps in implementing digital accessibility policies in the region, this chapter reviews five country case studies (Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Guyana) of successful innovations leveraging their fast-expanding mobile and internet services ecosystems that could be easily replicated across the region. Those findings support the thesis that, with better policies and capacity to implement, Latin American and Caribbean countries are in a favorable position to leapfrog in promoting digital accessibility and assistive technologies and services for persons with disabilities by capitalizing on their mobile and internet infrastructure and common languages.


Author(s):  
David Landau ◽  
Yaniv Roznai ◽  
Rosalind Dixon

This chapter examines the interaction between term limit provisions and the unconstitutional constitutional amendment doctrine in Latin America. It illustrates the varied approaches of courts concerning the validity of attempts to amend presidential term limits. In Colombia, the Constitutional Court intervened to prevent what it saw as an undue easing of term limits (after permitting one round of easing); in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia, courts generally allowed attempts to ease or eliminate term limit using less demanding rather than more demanding procedural routes; and in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, and Bolivia, judiciaries deployed the unconstitutional constitutional amendment doctrine in order to eliminate rather than to protect term limits. After mapping the major constitutional decisions issued on this issue in Latin America in recent years, the authors argue that transnational anchoring holds some promise in clarifying the proper scope of control of constitutional change regarding term limits.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce M. Wilson

This article analyzes the conditions that allowed for expansive rights revolutions in Costa Rica and Colombia. My research suggests that many of the preconditions for rights revolutions in other regions of the world are also central to understanding Latin American cases. Of particular relevance is judicial system design including the high courts’ operating rules concerning access, standing, and judicial formality. These factors can and do mitigate the need for extensive resources and support structures necessary in other non-Latin American countries in which rights revolutions have occurred.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2096773
Author(s):  
Lucas Perelló ◽  
Patricio Navia

Studies on party system change in Latin America commonly label similar processes as constituting dealignment or realignment. To clarify the boundaries between both concepts, we distinguish between abrupt and gradual realignments. While both imply change, they differ in the number of election cycles involved. Abrupt realignments occur in a single election cycle, while gradual realignments take place in two or more. We apply this conceptualisation to Costa Rica, Latin America’s longest-running democracy, and a country where the party system has decayed without collapsing. To better identify the type of change that has taken place, we use canton-level election data from 1958 to 2018 and public opinion surveys from 1978 to 2018. The evidence contests the notion of electoral dealignment. Instead, we show that the party system experienced an abrupt realignment in the 2002 election and gradual realignment in more recent election cycles.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document