scholarly journals Orang Madura di Yogyakarta: Studi Tentang Sejarah Migrasi Penjual Sate Madura di Yogyakarta

heritage ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-148
Author(s):  
Sitti Zulaihah

Abstract Madurese is one of the tribe that has high mobility. In its history, the Madurese has migrated to other areas since the days of the kingdom. One of the target area is the city of Yogyakarta, which is a multicultural, tourism and culinary city. This study aims to find out how the Madurese did migration to Yogyakarta, their early history to Yogyakarta and the types of informal work there. This research is an ethnographic study that was conducted for one year, data collection was carried out by in-depth interviews and observations. The results of this study indicate that the history of the migration of the Madurese to Yogyakarta dates back to the 17th century, namely the reign of the Sultan Agung in the Islamic Mataram kingdom. There are three factors of migration of Madurese to Yogyakarta, namely historical and political factors, economics and education. Meanwhile, the work done by Madurese in Yogyakarta is mostly in the informal sector, one of which is selling satay. That work has been passed down from generation to generation since the Dutch era. In addition, the branding of Madura satay as a delicious traditional food and the success stories of other satay sellers are also reasons for their choice to become Madurese satay sellers. Abstrak Orang Madura termasuk salah satu suku yang memiliki mobilitas tinggi. Dalam sejarahnya, suku Madura sudah migrasi ke daerah lain sejak zaman kerajaan dulu. Daerah yang dituju salah satunya adalah kota Yogyakarta yang merupakan kota multikultural, wisata dan kuliner. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui tentang migrasi orang Madura ke Yogyakarta, bagaimana sejarah awal mereka ke Yogyarta dan jenis pekerjaan informal yang mereka lakukan disana. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian etnograsi yang dilakukan selama satu tahun, pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan observasi. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa sejarah migrasi orang Madura ke Yogyakarta sudah sejak abad 17, yaitu pemerintahan sultan Agung  di kerajaan Mataram Islam. Ada tiga factor migrasi orang Madura ke Yogyakarta yaitu factor sejarah dan politik, ekonomi dan Pendidikan. Sedangkan pekerjaan yang dilakukan oleh orang Madura di Yogyakarta lebih banyak di sector informal, salah satunya  berjualan sate. Perkerjaan yang sudah menjadi turun temurun bahkan sudah ada sejak zaman Belanda. Selain itu, branding sate Madura sebagai makanan tradisional yang enak dan cerita kesuksesan penjual sate lainnya juga menjadi alasan pilihan mereka menjadi penjual sate Madura.     Kata Kunci: migrasi, orang madura, penjual sate madura

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anderson Sant'Anna

<p>This paper aims to investigate process of requalification of economic functions in the ongoing transition to the digital economy experienced by the American city of Lafayette, in the state of Louisiana. As a starting point an extensive analysis of the history of the city and its surroundings was carried out, accompanied by semi-structured and in-depth interviews with respondents involved in the current process of reconversion investigated. In this transition it was relevant the Lafayette's historical, demographic, cultural, spatial, and socioeconomic dynamics. According to Bourdieu's theoretical framework, it was sought to identify the main cognitive categories, both in relation to the socio-institutional dynamics and individual variations, emerging from the interviews. As result, the analysis of the habitus and the main economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capitals mobilized by community members it was possible to identify themes and categories used to describe the local business ecosystem and its components. It was also possible to reveal alliances and disputes that forge and characterize Lafayette's business environment, taking into account relationships among its main historical agents: White Americans vs. Indians, White Americans vs. Cajuns, White Americans vs. Blackcreoles.<i></i></p>


Author(s):  
A. W. Hallpike

Considering the fact that at the present time there are no tramcars operating in Bristol, it may seem a little odd to find a modern transport undertaking still using the somewhat quaint-sounding title, “Bristol Tramways and Carriage Co., Ltd.” The reason, together with the history of the company from its earliest days up to the present, is dealt with in the paper, which is illustrated with lantern slides, made from pictures of historical interest kept in the company's archives. The story begins from 1870 and tells of the early difficulties confronting the planners; the scenes in the city when the first horse-drawn tramcars ran along the flag-decorated streets in 1875; the acquisition and operation of a fleet of cabs painted blue with red wheels, the drivers wearing top hats with braided bands and full-liveried top coats; the electrification of the tramway system and the supersession of the horses; and then on to the motor era which, as far as Bristol was concerned, commenced in 1906. The various models of motor coaches and omnibuses designed and produced, including the four-tonner of 1913, the Redrup axial wobble-plate engine of 1935, the present-day models such as the underfloor engine single-decker and the low double-decker, and heavy goods vehicles are mentioned. Details of the company's overall development during its eighty-three years' history are given in the narrative, and something is told of the work done during two world wars.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 96-103
Author(s):  
Vita Bova

The chronological boundaries of this study cover one academic year. That was the last year of Osyp Bodiansky’s studies at the Poltava (Pereiaslav) Seminary. The main source base consists of Osyp and Fedir Bodiansky’s letters from Pereiaslav addressed to their parents. The article aims to study the quarantine period of Osyp Bodiansky’s life in Pereiaslav during the second cholera pandemic. It is an attempt to recreate one year of Osyp Bodiansky’s life from the moment he arrived to study before leaving for Moscow. The sequence of events helps to answer the question: where did O. Bodiansky live, how did he earn from the conditions, what was distance education in 1830–1831 like, how did he manage to avoid cholera? This year began with finding a good apartment and a trip to Kyiv to buy some books. O. Bodiansky planned to re- ceive 660 rubles from the conditions. In October, the seminary was quarantined and all the students were sent home. There were two attempts to resume the study, but cholera reached Pereiaslav and the study did not take place. O. Bodiansky completed a full seminar course in Pereiaslav only in September 1831 and went to continue his studies at Moscow University. The main focus of the article is the quarantine conditions of study in the seminary and the life in the city. This study has a prosopographic context, which contributes to the retrospective of the social portrait of O. Bodiansky and the city of that time. Osyp Bodyansky was one of those who studied in this city and kept in touch with the locals throughout his life. His character was formed here together with the desire to know the truth, love for the Ukrainian way of life.The relevance of the study of such a historical figure as O. Bodiansky, who made a significant contribution to the preservation and development of Ukrainian history and culture in the Moscow ideology, is dictated by the socio-political realities of today when Ukrainian culture once again needs protection and promotion. This is a human-dimensional vision of both the history of a particular region (in this case, Pereiaslav in the early nineteenth century) and the understanding of a person of a particular era and region as a person, not a known historical figure without any ideological involvement.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 609-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karina Kuschnir

Drawing the city is a proposal for an ethnographic research project in Rio de Janeiro. I begin by mapping the production of an international group calling themselves ‘urban sketchers,' whose collective project extols drawing as a form of looking, knowing and registering the experience of living in cities. Next I show the connections between art and anthropology, as well as their relation to cities and to Rio de Janeiro in particular. The sources and bibliography on the themes of the social history of art, drawing, visual anthropology and urban anthropology are also discussed. Setting out from the latter area, I present the possibilities for undertaking an ethnography that contributes to our comprehension of the graphic and symbolic narratives of urban life.


Author(s):  
Ivo Van der Graaff

On 24 August 79 CE the eruption of Mount Vesuvius destroyed the southern Bay of Naples, burying the towns of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Stabia together with the farms, sanctuaries, and luxury villas of the countryside. Their systematic excavation began in 1748. A community of scholars and lay people have since investigated the cities and their architecture for over 270 years. Their ranks are varied, starting with art and architectural historians, classicists, classical archaeologists, humanists, and amateurs, and continuing with scientists specialized in disciplines as varied as chemistry, biology, and forensics to name a few. The study of Pompeii and the ancient cities on the Bay of Naples is almost its own discipline that has helped to germinate art history and archaeology and spark movements such as Neoclassicism. The result is a burgeoning bibliography that exceeds 20,000 entries, with dozens of books and articles appearing each year. Given the rich architectural remains of the city, many, if not most, of these publications relate to architecture. Yet much remains unknown and considerable research on the architecture of Pompeii awaits current and future scholars. This article constitutes a basic starting point to study the architecture of Pompeii. It focuses on primary sources and monographs, and extends beyond single architectural studies because the study of Pompeian architecture requires attention to external factors governing social behavior. Domestic rituals, religious practices, technological advances, social routines, social hierarchy as well as military, entertainment, economic, environmental, and political factors all came together to shape the city. Modern research in Pompeii began with art historical and epigraphic approaches producing catalogues and publications describing wall painting, inscriptions, statuary, and the objects of the decorative arts. Expansive topographical surveys describing the city’s architecture started to appear in the 19th century and gave rise to a fascination with Pompeii throughout Europe. The expansion of the excavations in this period prompted then superintendent Giuseppe Fiorelli to organize the city into regions, insulae (city blocks), and house numbers, giving buildings the addresses they have today (e.g. VI.12.2-7 for the House of the Faun). Excavations seeking to understand the long-term history of Pompeii began in the 20th century, first, under efforts by Superintendent Amedeo Maiuri and, later, by various international teams and individual scholars, leading to the comprehensive approaches that study the city today. These efforts have produced a consensus that divides the 700+ years of Pompeian history into three mains phases: Pre-Samnite (under Etruscan, Greek, and Punic influence), Samnite, and finally Roman Pompeii, which subdivides further into the Colonial, Imperial, and Post-earthquake (after 62 CE) periods. Each phase is rich and stimulating in its own right, but the Roman period is the one that produced much of the architecture visible today; consequently, it has received the most attention due to the state of preservation.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel F. Suarez-Barraza ◽  
Jose Angel Miguel Davila

PurposeWell into the 21st century, it is difficult to deny the contribution that Mayan culture has made to the history of the world, and not only because of its contribution to universal culture with its architecture, astronomy and mathematics. Understanding the management practices of a Mayan dance (the dance of the Pochó) that has transcended over the years can give us an idea of the management practices carried out by an ancestral culture such as the Maya. The purpose of this article is to establish an initial conceptual relationship between the management process proposed by Henry Fayol (1916) and the management of a Mayan dance that has survived to the present day.Design/methodology/approachA specific ethnographic study was carried out in the municipality of Tenosique, Tabasco (Mexico) for two consecutive years. Research methods such as direct observation, researcher diaries, in-depth interviews and photographs were utilized that allowed a study of management practices.FindingsThanks to the cross-checking of the data obtained, it was possible to determine a theoretical-conceptual relationship between Fayol's management process and the Mayan dance studied. In fact, 12 specific management practices found in the four phases of the process were identified. In addition, with the ethnographic study it was possible to determine the levels of intensity and impact regarding the satisfaction of those attending and performing the dance.Research limitations/implicationsResearch limitations are due to result from the fact that the analysis corresponds to a single Mayan dance in a specific place (Tenosique) in the state of Tabasco, Mexico.Practical implicationsTo understand the management practices of the Mayan culture through the study of a dance that has remained alive until our days; this might be useful for the management practices of today's companies.Originality/valueIt is a pioneering study that analyzes a Mayan dance through the optics of management sciences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Andi Wahyu Irawan ◽  
Aswar

The research subjects were selected using purposive sampling in the criteria of fresh graduate and served as honorary teacher no more than one year, no more than 25 years old, and worked in a high school in the city of Samarinda. Data collected techniques were in-depth interviews and analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) techniques. The analysis technique sought to find meaning themes to become counseling guidance teachers. The results show three main themes, those are counseling guidance teachers interpreted as: 1) a soul calling; 2) to enjoy comfort; and 3) as a part-time job. The sub-theme of: 1) the soul calling is not profit oriented, realizing the future of students, and religious beliefs. The sub-theme of: 2) enjoy comfort that is a sense of comfort when students are helped, enjoy being parents for students, and to get life lessons. The sub-theme of: 3) part-time job is waiting to become civil servants and not easily laid off. Suggestion from this study are excepted to be a reference in helping counseling teachers in the process of valuing their work throught positive environmental conditioning to increase their productivity at work.


1930 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 879-887
Author(s):  
C. Leonard Woolley

Mr. Woolley said that the eighth season which they had just finished at Ur had been the most interesting historically and in some ways the most exciting season they had yet had: it was also undoubtedly the most varied. They were able to get plans of buildings, antiquities, etc., illustrating practically every phase in the history of the town of Ur from the 6th century b.c. back to a period which we cannot date, but which we call pictorially the Period of the Flood. Their programme when they started consisted of three principal objects—the first to clear up the plan of the city, tracing out its walls and fortifications which they knew to belong for the most part to the period of 2000 b.c., roughly speaking the period of Abraham. Then they had to go on with the great cemetery which in previous seasons had paid them so richly; and thirdly, they had to enlarge upon the work done in the season before when a trial pit brought to light material evidence of the flood and of a civilization older than the flood and following on after it. Dealing with the town defences he said he could not yet show them a complete plan, but could show a section of the wall and explain the character of what had been found. The whole circuit of the wall is nearly two and a half miles; they followed it all along. The defences consist for the most part of great ramparts of mud brick, solidly built throughout, to a height of 26 ft.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anderson Sant'Anna

<p>This paper aims to investigate process of requalification of economic functions in the ongoing transition to the digital economy experienced by the American city of Lafayette, in the state of Louisiana. As a starting point an extensive analysis of the history of the city and its surroundings was carried out, accompanied by semi-structured and in-depth interviews with respondents involved in the current process of reconversion investigated. In this transition it was relevant the Lafayette's historical, demographic, cultural, spatial, and socioeconomic dynamics. According to Bourdieu's theoretical framework, it was sought to identify the main cognitive categories, both in relation to the socio-institutional dynamics and individual variations, emerging from the interviews. As result, the analysis of the habitus and the main economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capitals mobilized by community members it was possible to identify themes and categories used to describe the local business ecosystem and its components. It was also possible to reveal alliances and disputes that forge and characterize Lafayette's business environment, taking into account relationships among its main historical agents: White Americans vs. Indians, White Americans vs. Cajuns, White Americans vs. Blackcreoles.<i></i></p>


2003 ◽  
Vol 2003 (1) ◽  
pp. 971-976
Author(s):  
Antonio Ostrensky ◽  
Walter A. Boeger ◽  
Luiz Fernando Duboc ◽  
Fabio Xavier Wegbecher ◽  
Robert William Pilchowski ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT In July of 2000, an accident occurred in the Refinery Presidente Getúlio Vargas (REPAR), located in the Municipality of Araucaria, Southern Brazil, and involved a spill of about 4 million liters (25,160 barrels) of crude oil. This was considered the largest oil spill in the history of Brazil. Despite the use of containment barriers, the oil slick reached up to 45 km downstream of a small creek (Arroio Saldanha) and two important rivers of the region (Rio Barigüi and Rio Iguaçu). In this stretch, both of the latter rivers are highly polluted, having crossed the City of Curitiba, a city of about 2+ million inhabitants. The spatial and temporal distribution of fishes of these streams after the accident was analyzed in 10 collection sites (in a river stretch of 250 km) located upstream Rio Barigüi and Rio Iguaçu) or downstream (all streams) from the point of oil introduction. Fishes were captured monthly with cast nets, traps, hook and line, and/or gill nets. Immediately after the event, sites close to the point of introduction of oil presented a less diverse fish fauna. However, one year later, the fish fauna of the Arroio Saldanha, showed signals of recovery, while no fish were collected during the entire year from the sites located upstream in the Rio Barigüi and Rio Iguaçu. The results strongly suggests that the impact of the oil spill on the fish fauna of these streams was minimized due to the previous highly polluted state of the streams, as indicated by the absence of fish species in the upstream collection sites, which were never directly exposed to the oil spot.


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