scholarly journals Resolutions Without Resolve: Turning Away from UN Security Council Resolutions to Address Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

Author(s):  
Emma Macfarlane

In 2008, the United Nations first recognized rape as a war crime with the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1820. Since then, the fight against conflict-related sexual violence has become a frequent subject of Security Council Resolutions. But what, if anything, has changed? Wartime sexual violence is still prevalent today and shows no signs of slowing down. This Note argues that Security Council Resolutions are not an effective method to prevent conflict-related sexual violence. The procedural weaknesses in passing Security Council Resolutions and the structure of the Security Council itself may do more harm than good to the efforts to end wartime sexual violence. Instead, this Note finds a solution in an unlikely realm: using voluntary pollution prevention programs as a template to address wartime sexual violence. In examining the parallels between the two issues, this Note suggests a new framework for addressing wartime sexual violence, relying on three factors in particular: adequate and consistent funding to key organizations, regular and credible monitoring of vulnerable communities, and the credible threat of enforcement.

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Benson ◽  
Theodora-Ismene Gizelis

There is increasing awareness that sexual violence is distinct from other aspects of civilian victimization in civil wars. Few studies have examined the independent impact of such violence on responses to civil wars as compared to “traditional” forms of violence. This article explores whether reports of high levels of rape and sexual violence increase the probability of United Nations (UN) attention to conflicts and calls to action. In so doing, we combine original data on UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions with data on sexual violence in armed conflict and estimate the impact of sexual violence on UN attention to all civil wars from 1990 to 2009. We show that the effects of sexual violence on the number and level of UNSC resolutions are significant even when controlling for other important determinants of UN action. These findings have important implications for understanding how the UN has expanded its view on protecting civilians.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-279
Author(s):  
Renata Christha Auli

Abstract The tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine, Myanmar have escalated and became the international spotlight. Massacre in the Rohingya is a serious violation of human rights. In accordance with the functions of the United Nation, this international organization is expected to prevent and eliminate crimes against humanity that occur in the Rohingya. One of the main organs in charge of maintaining international peace and security is the UN Security Council. However, the fact that the United Nations failed to carry out its duties was because Russia has veto power and has blocked the statement which was expressed by UN Security council concerning this situation to punish Myanmar in resolving the Rohingya case, solely due to the political relationship between Russia and Myanmar. The failure of the United Nations is the world's debt to the Rohingya tribe, accordingly to redeem the debt it is needed reform of the UN Security Council.  Keywords: Humanitarian Crimes, Rohingya, Security Council, United Nations, Veto   Abstrak Perseteruan yang terjadi antara umat Muslim dan Buddha di Rakhine, Myanmar, kembali terjadi dan menjadi sorotan dunia internasional. Pembantaian di Rohingya merupakan pelanggaran berat terhadap hak asasi manusia. Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa (PBB) merupakan organisasi internasional yang diharapkan dapat mencegah dan menghapus kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan yang terjadi di Rohingya, sesuai dengan fungsi dari Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Salah satu organ utama yang bertugas untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional adalah Dewan Keamanan PBB. Namun fakta yang terjadi PBB gagal dalam menjalankan tugasnya karena Rusia terus melakukan veto terhadap Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB untuk menghukum Myanmar dalam penyelesaian kasus Rohingya, karena semata- mata hubungan politik antara Rusia dengan Myanmar. Kegagalan PBB merupakan utang dunia terhadap suku Rohingya, sehingga untuk dapat menebus utang tersebut diperlukan reformasi Dewan Keamanan PBB. Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan, Kejahatan Kemanusiaan, Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa, Rohingya, Veto


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Drieskens

AbstractZooming in on the serving European Union (EU) Member States and exploring the legal parameters defining regional actorness both directly and indirectly, this article analyzes the EU's representation at the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Looking at the theory and practice behind Articles 52, 23 and 103 of the UN Charter, we shed fresh light on the only provision in the European Treaties that explicitly referred to the UN Security Council, i.e. the former Article 19 of the EU Treaty. We define that provision as a regional interpretation of Article 103 of the UN Charter and discuss its implementation in day-to-day decision-making, especially as for economic and financial sanctions measures. Hereby, we focus on the negotiations leading to UN Security Council Resolution 1822(2008).


Author(s):  
Sabine von Schorlemer

Intentional destruction of cultural heritage by extremist non-State actors—be it by the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Islamic State (ISIS or ISIL) in Syria, Iraq, and Libya, or Boko Haram in Nigeria—is on the rise. Using the destruction of cultural heritage in Mali in 2012–13 as a case study, this chapter argues that the creation of the self-proclaimed independent State of ‘Azawad’ in Mali became a ‘test case’ for the United Nations’ will and capacity to prevent further destruction of world cultural heritage, and it also analyzes the legal foundation of the 2013 French military Operation Serval in Mali. It also discusses the responsibility to protect as applied to cultural heritage, evaluates the subsequent deployment of the United Nations MINUSMA, and evaluates the mandate given by UN Security Council Resolution 2100 (2013), the first in UN history that included comprehensive protection of cultural and historical sites as a task of a UN peacekeeping operation. Therefore, the chapter reviews critically not only the mandate of MINUSMA, but also its potential relevance concerning future culture-embedded UN peace missions, and also contributes to the debate of the usefulness of more ‘robust’ cultural protection action by the United Nations.


Author(s):  
Gregory J. Moore

In this chapter, we consider Niebuhr’s views of the nature of the world community, the United Nations, globalization, and the potential for national transcendence, or the likelihood of nations laying down their interests for a higher international good. Niebuhr would have viewed globalization positively, as a way to advance functional cooperation between nations. A strong supporter of the United Nations, he viewed the UN Security Council veto as an important tool, allowing cooperation among the powers but blocking forward movement on issues the great powers could not agree on. Despite his liberal internationalism, he did not believe national transcendence was likely given all he said about power, moral dissonance, and groupism, nor would he have found world government attractive given the fallibility of human nature, particularly if one considers dystopian tales such as Orwell’s 1984 or Rand’s Atlas Shrugged.


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