political relationship
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2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-173
Author(s):  
Dora Tot

Recent studies on labor migration from socialist Yugoslavia have almost exclusively focused on East–West movements and their economic aspects. This paper aims to fill some of this gap in the literature by examining the migration of highly skilled Yugoslav labor to a country in the Global South, namely Algeria. As opposed to previous work that has focused on Yugoslav workers accompanying engineering investment projects in the Global South, this paper examines those who were directly employed by the receiving country. The case of Algeria as a host country deserves attention because Algeria was one of Yugoslavia’s primary partners with whom it cultivated a close political relationship. Drawing on records from the Croatian State Archives, the article will examine Yugoslav technical cooperation experts who were employed by the Algerian government between the early 1960s and the end of the 1980s. The paper will argue that, in pursuit of its political and economic interests in the Global South, the Yugoslav state encouraged and promoted the mobility of highly skilled experts in Algeria to foster cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3(I)) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Sayibu Ibrahim Nnindini ◽  
Kobby Mensah

In recent times political parties appear to be focusing narrowly on winning elections to the detriment of effective management of their intra-party relationships. The neglect of managing relationships is having a negative effect on parties, hence this study. The study looked at the practice of political relationship marketing in the two leading parties in Ghana, focusing on micro-interactions at the constituency level. Twenty-four party executives were drawn from eight constituencies for interview. Thematic analysis was carried out to identify relationship marketing practices in the parties. The findings demonstrate the presence of some political relationship marketing antecedents. A fully-fledged political relationship marketing practice is however absent.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
John Wesley Weigel

During the 1960s, development aid helped West Germany project a benign image while it discouraged diplomatic recognition of East Germany. In Ghana, however, this effort clashed with the Pan-Africanist aims of President Kwame Nkrumah. Four periodicals under his control attacked West Germany as neo-colonialist, militarist, racist, latently Nazi and a danger to world peace. West German officials resented this campaign and tried to make it stop, but none of their tactics, not even vague threats to aid, worked for long. The attacks ended with Nkrumah's overthrow in early 1966, but while they lasted, they demonstrated that a small state receiving aid could use the press to invert its asymmetric political relationship with the donor.


Author(s):  
Alice Travers

Between 1895 and 1950, the Tibetan government took several steps to improve the firearms and artillery of its troops, setting up local factories and negotiating with foreign powers to purchase arms manufactured abroad. These imports were directly related to the political relationship with these countries and required the introduction and diffusion of new knowledge and techniques among Tibetan troops. Based on Tibetan and English sources, this article discusses some of the challenges met by the Tibetan government in this process and gives an overview of the variety of modern firearms that the Tibetan army used in the early twentieth century.


Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 1093-1112
Author(s):  
Dominic O’Sullivan ◽  
Heather Came ◽  
Tim McCreanor ◽  
Jacquie Kidd

The New Zealand state developed from a treaty between the British Crown and hapū (sub-tribes) in 1840. The te Reo (Māori language) text and the English version of the agreement are fundamentally different. Breaches of this treaty and tension over how the political relationship between Māori and the Crown should proceed are ongoing. In 2019, the Cabinet Office issued a Circular instructing bureaucratic advisers of the questions they should address when providing advice to ministers on the agreement’s contemporary application. In this article, we use Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA) – an analytical framework applied to public policies – to suggest additional and alternative questions to inform bureaucratic advice. The article defines CTA in detail and shows how using it in this way could protect Māori rights to tino rangatiratanga (a sovereignty and authority that is not subservient to others) and substantive engagement, as citizens, in the formation of public policy. This article’s central argument is that the Circular reflects an important evolution in government policy thought. However, in showing how the Circular privileges the English version (the Treaty of Waitangi) over the Māori text (Te Tiriti o Waitangi), the article demonstrates how Māori political authority remains subservient to the Crown in ways that Te Tiriti did not intend. We show through the conceptual illustration of the care and protection of Māori children, despite the significant evolution in government thought that it represents, these rights are not fully protected by the Circular. This is significant because it was Te Tiriti, with its protection of extant Māori authority and sovereignty, that was signed by all but 39 of the more than 500 chiefs who agreed to the British Crown establishing government over their own people, but who did not agree to the colonial relationship which may be read into the English version.


Author(s):  
Labinot Hajdari ◽  
Judita Krasniqi

AbstractThis article investigates the link between economic development and emigration from Kosovo between 2015 and 2020. The wider contexts to this study include the empirical and theoretical debates on migration as both an individual choice and a social decision. The recent history of emigration from Kosovo is analysed to understand how the past has influenced present migration patterns. This work aims to unpick the threads connecting economic development, the labour market, educational disparities, unemployment, and EU integration. Demographics, economics, and the political relationship between Kosovo and the EU have all affected emigration trends in Kosovo. In particular, this article examines the brain drain phenomenon and economic stability as two variables that permanently influence one another.


Author(s):  
Ashwini Vasanthakumar

Using the tools of normative political theory, this book explores the political relationship between exiles and the communities from which they have fled. It makes two central claims. First, exiles have rights and responsibilities in their homelands and are morally required and permitted to play particular roles in the homeland. Second, in playing these roles, exile politics can perform two corrective functions: it can repair defective political institutions at home and it can compensate for institutional shortcomings in the global domain. In short, exiles engage in a ‘politics from below’ and ‘away’ that produces alternative sites of power and can mitigate the several failings of an international system of states in an unequal world. This normative exploration of exile politics has a few implications. It counters an overwhelming focus, in both political philosophy and public discourse, on the consequences of forced migration for receiving societies—a focus that often treats exiles as passive actors. Recognizing the political agency of exiles reveals another side of the migration story, and allows for a more fulsome exploration of what political obligation and membership mean in an increasingly transnational world. Identifying exiles as important domestic and transnational actors also points to the ways third parties ought to enable the different roles exiles play in their communities of origin and in the international domain. And recognizing exile agency highlights the shortcomings of an international system of refugee protection that focuses on exiles’ humanitarian needs but denies them their political rights and agency.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 585-593
Author(s):  
Enni Savitri ◽  

Political connections have an essential role in the earnings management strategy. Political connections can influence earnings management practices. The research aimed to analyze the effect of politics and family ownership on earnings management practices. The sample is 92 manufacturing companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange for the period 2016-2019. Methods of data using a purposive sampling method. Multiple linear regression is an analytical tool used to test the hypothesis. The results show that political connections influence profits. The company pays more attention to the company’s reputation and maintains the privileges of the political relationship that has existed between the company and the government. Family ownership affects earnings management. Family ownership has control rights that can be used to influence management in company profits. The novelty of this research is that political connections can influence earnings management.


2021 ◽  
pp. 397-422
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

The history of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union from its beginning has been, if nothing else, a very vacillating one, and even at the beginning, the UK was a ‘reluctant’ partner in the European project. This chapter will outline the changing legal and political relationship before, during, and after ‘Brexit’, as the negotiations for the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) came to be known. The departure, on 31 January 2020, and complete separation on 31 December 2020, placed the UK as a third country to the EU as regards its new trading relationship, is also considered.


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