scholarly journals Idiosyncratically Transparent Vowels in Kazakh

Author(s):  
Samuel R. Bowman ◽  
Benjamin Lokshin

<p>Idiosyncratically transparent vowels—those that fail to either undergo or trigger harmony in a particular morpheme but do both elsewhere—have not been documented in any language, and have been claimed to be impossible as recently as Mahanta (2012). We present two affixes in Kazakh that contain idiosyncratic vowels, and present evidence from wordlist elicitations and phonetic studies with two native speakers from different regions. We discuss the implications of these findings for constraint-based theories of vowel harmony: we show that they cannot be readily analyzed in conventional strictly-local harmony system, and present analyses in two recent systems that allow for non-local representations. Both Rhodes's (2010) system for vowel harmony in Agreement by Correspondence and Kimper's (2011) Trigger Competition can be made to accommodate lexical specifications that force vowels in particular morphemes to act as transparent, and we show that implementing these lexical specifications in Trigger Competition forces us to make somewhat stronger predictions about the rarity of idiosyncratic transparency.  </p>

Phonology ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Hayes ◽  
Zsuzsa Cziráky Londe

In Hungarian, stems ending in a back vowel plus one or more neutral vowels show unusual behaviour: for such stems, the otherwise general process of vowel harmony is lexically idiosyncratic. Particular stems can take front suffixes, take back suffixes or vacillate. Yet at a statistical level, the patterning among these stems is lawful: in the aggregate, they obey principles that relate the propensity to take back or front harmony to the height of the rightmost vowel and to the number of neutral vowels. We argue that this patterned statistical variation in the Hungarian lexicon is internalised by native speakers. Our evidence is that they replicate the pattern when they are asked to apply harmony to novel stems in a ‘wug’ test (Berko 1958). Our test results match quantitative data about the Hungarian lexicon, gathered with an automated Web search. We model the speakers' knowledge and intuitions with a grammar based on the dual listing/generation model of Zuraw (2000), then show how the constraint rankings of this grammar can be learned by algorithm.


2011 ◽  
Vol 847 (3) ◽  
pp. 612-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Henkel ◽  
Stoimen Stoimenov

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toben Herbert Mintz ◽  
Rachel L. Walker ◽  
Celeste Kidd ◽  
Ashlee Welday

A critical part of infants’ ability to acquire any language involves segmenting continuous speech input into discrete word-forms. Certain properties of words could provide infants with reliable cues to word boundaries. Here we investigate the potential utility of vowel harmony (VH), a phonological property whereby vowels within a word systematically exhibit similarity (“harmony”) for some aspect of the way they are pronounced. We present evidence that infants with no experience of VH in their native language nevertheless actively use these patterns to generate hypotheses about where words begin and end in the speech stream. In two experiments, we exposed infants learning English, a language without VH, to a continuous speech stream in which the only systematic patterns available to be used as cues to word boundaries came from syllable sequences that showed VH or those that showed vowel disharmony (dissimilarity). After hearing less than one minute of the streams, infants showed evidence of sensitivity to VH cues. These results suggest that infants have an experience-independent sensitivity to VH, and are predisposed to segment speech according to harmony patterns. We also found that when the VH patterns were more subtle (Experiment 2), infants required more exposure to the speech stream before they segmented based on VH, consistent with previous work on infants’ preferences relating to processing load. Our findings evidence a previously unknown mechanism by which infants could discover the words of their language, and they shed light on the perceptual mechanisms that might be responsible for the emergence of vowel harmony as an organizing principle for the sound structure of words in many languages.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bergljot Behrens

The present paper reports on results of two translation experiments conducted with eye tracking and keylogging. Norwegian and Danish professional and student translators have each translated a small English news text into their L1. The texts include possessives in different syntactic environments which affect choice between a reflexive and an irreflexive form in the targets. While native speakers are expected to make uniform choices which conform to regularities on local and non-local binding principles in Danish and Norwegian, we find disparate solutions among the participants in both groups. The study compares final products with process data, both in terms of edits and in terms of temporal measures indicative of translation effort. Results show a considerable amount of hesitation on choice in all non-finite clause constructions, although more so among students than among professionals. Questions of translation effects versus an unstable locality principle is taken up in the final discussion.


1984 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith L. Snider

This paper presents a synchronic description of the realization of /l/ in Chumburung, a Kwa language of Ghana. In this description I attempt to demonstrate that the influence of the feature advanced tongue root is not restricted to the vowel harmony system, but also spreads to influence the realization of the consonant /l/. Following from this synchronic description is evidence suggesting that native speakers of Chumburung require more than phonetic information in order to choose the appropriate allophone of /l/.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 388
Author(s):  
Wafi Fhaid Alshammari ◽  
Ahmad Radi Alshammari

This study investigates the phonological and morphological adaptation of Turkish loanwords of Arabic origin to reveal aspects of native speakers&rsquo; knowledge that are not necessarily obvious. It accounts for numerous modification processes that these loanwords undergo when borrowed into Turkish. To achieve this, a corpus of 250 Turkish loanwords was collected and analyzed whereby these loanwords were compared to their Arabic counterparts to reveal phonological processes that Turkish followed to adapt them. Also, it tackles the treatment of morphological markings and compound forms in Turkish loanwords. The results show that adaptation processes are mostly phonological, albeit informed by phonetics and other linguistic factors. It is shown that the adaptation processes are geared towards unmarkedness in that faithfulness to the source input&mdash;Arabic&mdash;is violated, taking the burden to satisfy Turkish phonological constraints. Turkish loanwords of Arabic origin undergo a number of phonological processes, e.g., substitution, deletion, degemination, vowel harmony, and epenthesis for the purpose of repairing the ill-formedness. The Arabic feminine singular and plural morphemes are treated as part of the root, with fossilized functions of such markers. Also, compound forms are fused and word class is changed to fit the syntactic structure of Turkish. Such loanwords help pave the way to invoke latent native Turkish linguistic constraints.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Arjen P. Versloot

Zusammenfassung Dying languages are often characterised by attrition of structural features and large scale borrowing from competing dominant languages. However, these characteristics are difficult to interpret when the variety is only scarcely attested (Trümmersprache) and documented by non-native speakers, who learned the language from native speakers who were themselves, potentially, only imperfect learners. The East Frisian Harlingerland dialect is a case in point. It is attested only in a booklet from the late 17th century (1691) by the local vicar Johannes Cadovius-Müller, who was not a native speaker of Frisian. He uses the two infinitive markers of Frisian in an unhistorical way. This study seeks to understand how this usage arose. It is hypothesised that the last generation of dialect speakers developed a synchronic phonological rule for the distribution of the two infinitive markers based on vowel harmony, which was then partly misrepresented due to Cadovius-Müller's imperfect learning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Tatiana R. Ryzhikova ◽  
Albina A. Dobrinina ◽  
Nikolay S. Urtegeshev

Purpose. Experimental phonetics is a fundamental source of typological reconstructions. It provides plausible data on the phonetic processes progressing in a language, dialect, or subdialect. In this paper, we compare the results of MRI-investigation of the sound a (it being the most frequently used in the Turkic languages) in related though quite distant languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai (Ust-Khan subdialect) and Bashkir (Eastern dialect). Thus, the purpose of our study is to distinguish the articulatory traits of the a-type sound in the Barabian, Altai and Bashkir languages under different positional and combinatory conditions as a result of somatic experimental-phonetic research. Magnetic-resonance imaging (MRI) of the vocal tunings was done from the native speakers of the three languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai, and Bashkir. The static MRI images comprising a-type articulations were selected from the obtained database. The somatic analysis of the linguistic material was conducted in accordance with the technique practiced in the V. M. Nadelyayev’s Laboratory of Experimental-Phonetic Researches (IP SB RAS). Sound tomograms have been analyzed and interpreted, tomoschemes are presented for the visualization purpose. In total, 17 tomograms have been described. The authors have processed the linguistic and experimental material on three Turkic idioms and made a number of important conclusions. 1. A-type sound is realized in the back row words in the languages under consideration, which coincides with the supposition about Turkic vowel harmony suggested earlier. 2. In all languages under investigation the general tuning of the sound a is similar: it is central-back. But what makes it unique for every language is its additional characteristics. For example, in Barabian the phoneme /ʌ̇˘/ can be realized in pharyngealized, nasalized and labialized variants, while the Ust-Khan phoneme /ʌ̇/ is the most unified one (nonnasalized, rarely labialized and pharyngealized). The Eastern Bashkirian phoneme /ɤ̇/ resembles the Baraba-Tatar phoneme in many aspects. 3. The statement (based on the perceptive analysis) about the use of more open and in some senses more backward, laryngeal and even pharyngealized sound a in some sub-dialects of the Eastern dialect of Bashkir did not turn out to be correct. According to the experimental data, all eastern Bashkir tunings appear to be central-back strongly shifted forward, i.e. the tongue does not move backward too much. Regarding the mouth openness, all variants of the Eastern Bashkirian sound a are half narrow (the third level of openness), and in some cases they can even be said to be narrow (the second level). 4. Despite the territorial closeness of Altai (Ust-Khan sub-dialect) and Baraba-Tatar, the comparative analysis of the articulatory peculiarities of the vocal tunings under discussion revealed close correlation between Barabian and Eastern Bashkirian realizations of sound a. It might be accounted for by similar ways of their development (both of historical and immanent character) as well as by the literary Tatar language and its dialects influence on Baraba-Tatar (an intensive wave of immigrants from the Volga-Ural region into Baraba Steppe where Baraba-Tartars had been historically living was recorded in the beginning of the 20th century). To sum up, the further investigation of all vocal system units is necessary to make final conclusions about typological likelihood or diversity of the languages under consideration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Youngah Do ◽  
Ping Hei Yeung

Abstract Phonological alternations often happen to conform to phonotactic regularities, from which a single mechanism for phonotactics and alternations has been claimed. We note, however, that empirical evidence supporting the link between phonotactics and alternations comes only from English native speakers whose first language (L1) does exhibit phonotactically motivated alternation patterns. This article examines whether the link between phonotactics and alternations is universally available. To do so, we test learning of phonotactics and alternations with Cantonese native speakers, whose L1 provides no evidence for or against the link. We address learning of a vowel harmony pattern through the use of three artificial languages; one with a harmony pattern both within and across stems, another with a harmony pattern only across stems; and the other with a disharmony pattern within stems but harmony across stems. Learners successfully acquired harmony phonotactics according to input patterns, but they showed no difference in learning alternation patterns across the three languages. Our results suggest that the link between phonotactics and alternations might be language-specific: Only upon receiving L1 evidence, learners can use a unified mechanism to encode phonotactics and alternations.


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