scholarly journals A változás, amiről akár a Jereváni Rádió is tudósíthatott volna, avagy a betört ablakok elméletére épített rendészeti reform végrehajtása Kazahsztánban és Ukrajnában

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (7) ◽  
pp. 1261-1268
Author(s):  
Árpád Budavári
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
The State ◽  
Broken Windows ◽  
Police Reform

Az olvasmányismertető Erica Marat – a Policing and Society (Rendészet és Társadalom) nemzetközi rendészeti kutatási tudományos folyóiratban 2018. március 8-án publikált, Mimicking „broken windows” policing in post-soviet cities: expanding social control in uncertain times”, azaz A „betört ablakok” elméletének utánzása a posztszovjet városokban: a társadalmi ellenőrzés kiterjesztése bizonytalan időkben című – tanulmányának az ismertetése, mely a szerző The Politics of Police Reform: Society against the State in Former Soviet Countries (A rendőrség reformjának politikája: Társadalom az állam ellen az egykori szovjet országokban) című könyvének része. A tanulmány első részében a szerző állást foglal a betört ablakok politikájának térnyerésével kapcsolatban, majd a két vizsgált ország – Kazahsztán és Ukrajna – vonatkozásában ismerteti a zéró tolerancia bevezetésének előzményeit és alapjait, megvilágítva az azonosságokat és különbözőségeket az alkalmazást megalapozó körülményekben. Ezt követően részletesen bemutatja a kazah és az ukrán rendfenntartási működési sémát. Az ismertetőben rávilágítok a tanulmánynak a rendőrségi reformok kutatása során nyújtott hasznosságára, valamint arra a – véleményem szerint – nem helytálló állásfoglalásra is, mely a betört ablakok elmélete és a zéró tolerancia alkalmazása közé egyenlőségjelet tesz.

“The Criminal Actors Have a Social Base in Their Communities”: Gangs and Service Provision in Medellín, Colombia

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Caroline Doyle
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Citizen Engagement ◽  
Design And Implementation

ABSTRACT In the last ten years, Medellín, Colombia has undergone significant socioeconomic improvements and a reduction in homicides. By drawing from qualitative data collected in Medellín, this article shows how, despite these improvements, residents in the marginalized neighborhoods maintain a perception that the state is unable or unwilling to provide them with services, such as employment and order or social control. Criminal gangs in these neighborhoods appear to rely on, and even exploit, the weakness of the state, as they are able to get citizens to perceive them as more reliable and legitimate than the state. This article argues that it is important for Latin American policymakers to promote citizen engagement in the design and implementation of policies to reduce current levels of violence.

scholarly journals EL CH'ULEL EN LOS ALTOS DE CHIAPAS: ESTADO DE LA CUESTIÓN

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 218
Author(s):  
Elena Lunes Jiménez
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Companion Animal ◽  
The State ◽  
High Plains ◽  
Review Of Literature ◽  
Day Of The Dead ◽  
The Dead

El artículo presenta una revisión de la literatura generada alrededor de la noción y concepto de ch’ulel, basada en la cosmovisión tsotsil-tseltal, en el altiplano chiapaneco. De acuerdo con las interpretaciones que los autores han realizado sobre dicho concepto, la información se sistematiza sobre los siguientes significados: ch’ulelcomo alma; en la salud y en la enfermedad; en la conciencia de los niños; como control social; el vayijelal o animal compañero como vela de la vida y como calor. Se distingue el concepto de ch’ulel con ch’ulelal;este último vinculado con la celebración del día de muertos. Se expone en su conjunto y como aporte de este artículo el concepto de Mundo ch’ulel.   SUMMARY The article presents a review of literature generated around the notion and concept of ch’ulel, based on the Tsotsil-Tseltal cosmovision, in the high plains region of the state of Chiapas. According to the interpretations formulated by the authors on said concept, information is systematized on the following meanings: the ch’ulel as soul; in health and in sickness; in the conscience of children; as social control; the vayijelal or companion animal; as candle of life and as heat. The ch’ulel concept is distinguished from that of ch’ulelal, the latter associated with the celebration of the day of the dead.  The concept of “ch’ulel world” is expounded as a whole and as contribution of this article.

scholarly journals Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Efrén Ernesto Guerrero Salgado
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Public Activity ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
The Government ◽  
Electoral Power ◽  
Present Text

Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality. 

Policing Public Protest in Central Asia

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Marat
Keyword(s):  
Negative Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Healthcare ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
Control Functions ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Public Protest ◽  
The One ◽  
Police Forces

While Central Asia’s Soviet-era physical infrastructure crumbles, and the quality and availability of public healthcare and education decline, the police remain the one institution that controls the state’s most remote territories. This article argues that, over the past two decades, the functions of Central Asian police forces have become increasingly punitive. Their negative influence was particularly visible in the aftermath of public protests in the 2000–2010s that resulted in fatal clashes between police units and civilian population. These watershed events were followed by government decisions to overhaul their police forces to preempt a recurrence of public protest. Depending on how willing the incumbent regimes are to control political dissent and how capable the state is in performing these control functions, changes in the Interior Ministries follow. When political will is matched by the economic and administrative resource of the state, policing functions are distributed among additional state institutions. But when the regime lacks the resources to upgrade policing techniques to the desired level, it almost always requests international support to facilitate police reform.

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