scholarly journals PROCESSES OF METROPOLIZATION IN THE TERRITORY PLANNING DOCTRINE OF THE EU AND LITHUANIA

2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-177
Author(s):  
Jurgis Vanagas

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the main con- temporaty notions of metropolization in the doctrine of the EU, its development, pluses and minuses and to the consideration of the present processes taking place in this respect in modern- day Lithuania. In the beginning the author widely points to the main terms, such as metropolis, region metropolitan region, and shortly reviews the history of the EU, its territory planning principles. He reveals the early roots of these conceptions found in the works of utopian thinkers – Sir Thomas More, Robert Owen – productively continued in the territory planning blueprints of the19th century accomplished by A. Soria у Mata and E. Howard. An important stage of modern regional planning, paving the way to the later EU steps in this sphere, were wide-scale planning projects of the early decades of the 20th century and especially post-war regional programmes like Great London development. All these achievements of the past in regional planning enabled to arrive at an idea of uniting efforts on a European scale which took place in 1970 and to proclaim the Europe’s Regional Planning Chart seventeen years later. The prominent Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 finally balanced the interests of the whole Europe and laid down the fundamentals of its “common home”. The regional situation in Lithuania, as in all the new EU member states, is rather multipartite. Its greatest drawback is lack of its own representative in the highest echelon of the Baltic Sea Region urban categories – in the composition of cities officially included into the list of the so-called european Cities. This status provides the most prestigious situation and evident advantages in the international urban network as well as in the intercon- nectional relations and cooperation of the largest metropolies. Eventually the grade of euro City presents as if an important “gate” to the wide field of various beneficial actions overgrowing national borders. The author reports his position towards Lithuania’s abilities “to delegate” its representative to the top of the BSR city hierarchy. According to the arguments given in the paper, an exclusive chance to achieve this international appreciation is through employing a unique and unprecedented situation of the country, namely, existence of the twin cities of Vilnius and Kaunas, similarity of their size and typological feature, their close many-sided cooperation, distinction by intensive oncoming commuting flows and so on. Studies of labour market show that in this spontaneous urban belt a qualitatively new model of “job-residing” location comes into being: to settle in one city and to work in the other one. Together with improving communication between these cities and mounting traffic rate, this process will certainly flourish. By a reasonable regulation and stimulation of these spontaneous processes, a great combined metropolitan unit (“dipolis”) containing Vilnius and Kaunas can be formed. Inexorable processes of globalization definitively stimulate necessity to shake-up local and national economies, to revise essentially inveterate principles of territory planning. Processes taking place globally within the last decades show unceasing trends to join cities, towns and townships network into united polycentral or bipolar systems along the main communication channels. A model of concentrated location of urban units (as the opposite to their geographically dispersed, gradually developed network suggested by W.Christaller) seems to be more rational and advantageous in numerous aspects. Therefore, resuming all these considerations, a new essential question arrises: is the idea of sustainable development formulated in 1987 by Gro Harlem Brundtland the only and undisputed alternative in territorial development? Metropolizacijos procesai ES teritorinio planavimo doktrinoje ir Lietuva Santrauka Peržvelgiama Europos Sąjungos sukūrimo chronologija, jos teritorinio planavimo doktrinos ištakos, pagrindiniai Europos „bendrųjų namų“ pamatus padėjusios Mastrichto sutarties teiginiai. Atskleidžiamos šiuolaikinių globalizacijos procesų stimuliuojamų didelių metropolinių regionų formavimosi procesų priežastys. Pritariama vis dažniau pasigirstančioms abejonėms, ar kelis dešimtmečius vyravusios darniosios plėtros samprata teritorinio planavimo procese yra vienintelė ir nenuginčijama alternatyva. Šiuo požiūriu Baltijos jūros regiono ir nusistovėjusių teritorinių struktūrinių vienetų (NUTS ) kontekste Lietuva stoko ja ryškaus urbanistinio centro, galinčio pretenduoti į oficialiai pripažintų European City rango miestų sąrašą. Vienintelė galimybė tokiam metropoliniam centrui sukurti – tai Lietuvos Respublikos teritorijos bendrajame plane numatytas Vilniaus ir Kauno potencialų sujungimas.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 403-407
Author(s):  
Juris Rozenvalds

Russian-speaking communities in the member states of the European Union (EU), especially the Baltic States and Germany, have earned special attention, in recent years, as subjects of important integration policies, on one hand, and the main targets of Russia’s propagandist efforts, on the other. Because a significant part of Russian-speaking communities accepted these efforts, questions were raised concerning the effectiveness of previous integration policies to strengthen the national identity and invoke a feeling of political togetherness. Thus the factors fostering and triggering integration and the relations between civic and ethnocultural components of integration are of wide interest. This paper presents a case study of Latvia, as a country with the highest share of Russian-speaking citizens among the EU member states and a clear prevalence of ethnocultural components in its integration policies in recent years. The study examines the successes and failures of the integration policies of Latvia during the last twenty-five years, using mainly direct observations and sociological data collected during the last twenty years. The results show that language knowledge, citizenship status, and socioeconomic conditions play an important role in integration. In addition, these factors appear more effective with development of inclusive political practices and civil society structures, cooperative discourse, and facilitation of mutual trust between ethnolinguistic communities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Iryna Izarova

Abstract Judicial cooperation between EU Member-States and Ukraine is still at a basic level. The EU-Ukraine Association Agreement does not prove an appropriate approach, and their relations are regulated mostly with the bilateral agreements. The Baltic states and Ukraine, which are the focus of this research, are deeply engaged by their close geographical location, common historical issues and friendly relations, and seek further development of their relations. This should be accompanied by mutual judiciary trust and therefore by the corresponding evolution of bilateral relations proper to this trust. The following types of judicial cooperation in civil matters were chosen as objects of this research: recognition of Baltic States’ courts’ judgments in Ukraine, as well as service of documents and taking of evidence in Ukraine. The conclusions consist of several proposals related to deeper judicial cooperation between Member-States and third countries, illustrated by the example of the Baltic States and Ukraine, in light of the right to fair trial and mutual trust in the judiciary.


Author(s):  
Jacqueline Dufalla

In 2014, the agricultural sanctions Russia imposed on the European Union (EU) had a perceivable impact on the EU’s economy. Yet the sanctions arguably had a disproportionate impact, which suggests they were particularly successful in exposing underlying issues within the EU. Specifically, former Soviet bloc countries and southern European countries were far more greatly impacted by the sanctions than the larger western EU member states. This brings to light problems of disproportionate representation of member states within decision-making processes (especially within the Committee for Agriculture and Rural Development), and the fragility of the EU's internal cohesion. By comparing typical decision-making processes of the EU with its responses during times of crisis, it becomes clear that the EU’s decision-making process and its internal cohesion with regard to economic assistance for former Soviet states, are vulnerable to Russia’s actions. The essay will conclude with recommendations on how to improve EU decision-making during times of crisis to counter this vulnerability. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.261  


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (5) ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Vasyl KRAVTSIV ◽  
◽  
Petro ZHUK ◽  

The wider interpretation of the mountain policy notion is outlined. The entities and objects of domestic mountain policy, its forming principles, objectives and tasks are defined. Analysis of parameters of economic development level of mountain regions in Lviv oblast is performed and their negative dynamics is determined. Conclusions are made on low efficiency of mountain policy instruments applied in Ukraine and necessity of their improvement, including through implementation of the best European practices. The mechanisms of mountain territories’ development maintenance applied in European countries are studied. In particular, attention is paid to opportunities for Ukraine to use the instruments of territorial development that encompass not only the EU member states but the neighboring ones as well. In this context the peculiarities of application of new European instrument of countries’ and regions’ cooperation – macro-regional strategies – are shown. The initiative on development with Ukraine’s participation and adoption by the EU authorities of the Carpathian Macro-regional Strategy (MRS) is emphasized. Spatial limits of Carpathian MRS are presented and its priority spheres, most important objectives and tasks are revealed. The issues of introduction of special investment activity regime at Ukraine’s mountain territories are addressed as well. On this basis the attraction of investment into priority economic activity types compatible with ecological features of mountain territories, their natural and resources basis and economic traditions are promoted. Conclusions confirm the necessity to develop and implement modern policy of mountain territories’ development in Ukraine, based on economic support, increased competitiveness, prevention of depopulation, preserving the ecological function and ethno-cultural heritage of mountain regions.


Author(s):  
Timea Kulchar

The article is devoted to the experience of Hungary in the development of Euro-regional cross-border cooperation. It is clear that the aim of the Euro-regions of Hungary was to achieve a high level of cooperation. These are European territorial dimensions, where there is rapid and branched communication, a competitive economy, where the role and importance of the periphery are diminished, there is an extensive network of social and cultural ties, and that the multiethnic population in these border regions is particularly important. without conflict. At the formation stage, the Hungarian Euro-regions sought to adapt as effectively as possible the specific Western European model of the Euro-region. Interestingly, this was done very quickly compared to the Western European regions where the euro-regions were subject to time-checks. Particular attention was paid to the dynamics of the development of the Hungarian Euro-region of Western Pannonia. The Western Pannonia Euro-region was created on the then-eastern border of the EU, so the experience of Euro-regional cooperation gained by Hungary's western border regions is of considerable interest to Ukraine. Hungary's accession to the EU is functionally gradually changing the Euro-region of Western Pannonia, that is, changing the territorial development plans of the Euro-region. Given the geographical location of the Western Pannonia Euro-region, this Euro-region served as a model for cooperation between EU and non-EU border regions. It should also be noted that funding for joint cross-border projects is important. From the point of view of economic development of the border areas, the high, dynamic development of the economy and the activity of economic ties were still characteristic of the whole Euro-region. The study focuses on the Eastern Partnership initiative. Particularly noteworthy is the Eastern Partnership initiative put forward in May 2008 by Poland and Sweden, which proposed a deepening of relations with eastern neighbors covered by the European Neighborhood Policy, including Ukraine. The Eastern Partnership is, in essence, a continuation of the Neighborhood Policy, ie it means that no EU member states are currently expected to enter.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 706-724
Author(s):  
Edward Molendowski ◽  
Vladislavas Petraškevičius

The article presents the results of an analysis comparing changes in the competitive positions of the Baltic States in comparison with the Visegrad Group countries and the new EU Member States in the post-accession period (2006–2017). This type of study has not been presented in more detail in the available literature. Researchers of international economic competitiveness mostly focussed on the EU-15. The Baltic States mainly have been excluded from such investigations. Therefore, the article may significantly contribute to bridging the gap. The study employs the method of secondary data’s comparative analysis concerning indices and pillars of economic competitiveness described in The Global Competitiveness Reports of the World Economic Forum. An important element of the examination was to identify major determinants of those developments. It focussed on the identification of structural factors shaping the competitive positions of the countries covered. The demonstration which of the factors determine competitiveness and the assessment of long-term changes may serve as the basis for economic policy making. The assumption is that the EU accession had a considerable impact on the development of the competitive position but specific effects varied between countries. The Baltic States differed rather widely regarding the improvement of their competitive positions throughout the post-accession period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Dufalla

In 2014, the agricultural sanctions Russia imposed on the European Union (EU) had a perceivable impact on the EU’s economy. Yet the sanctions arguably had a disproportionate impact, which suggests they were particularly successful in exposing underlying issues within the EU. Specifically, former Soviet bloc countries and southern European countries were far more greatly impacted by the sanctions than the larger western EU member states. This brings to light problems of disproportionate representation of member states within decision-making processes (especially within the Committee for Agriculture and Rural Development), and the fragility of the EU's internal cohesion. By comparing typical decision-making processes of the EU with its responses during times of crisis, it becomes clear that the EU’s decision-making process and its internal cohesion with regard to economic assistance for former Soviet states, are vulnerable to Russia’s actions.  The essay will conclude with recommendations on how to improve EU decision-making during times of crisis to counter this vulnerability.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 37-54
Author(s):  
Aušra Vinciūnienė

Pastaraisiais metais itin išpopuliarėjusių Europos Sąjungos (ES) politinės komunikacijos tyrimų centre atsidūrė mokslininkų pastangos atskleisti europeizacijos kontekste naujai išryškėjančius savitus sociokultūrinio konteksto nulemtus dalykus. Šiame straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinio tyrimo (atlikto 2006–2009 m.) rezultatais, analizuojami politinės komunikacijos europeizacijos procesai dviejose Baltijos šalyse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje) – naujosiose ES narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse, apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai žinoma. Tyrimas parodė, kad Baltijos šalyse metams bėgant palaipsniui pradėjo formuotis ne tik tam tikra atskira europinės komunikacijos dimensija, bet ir savita kultūra: galima stebėti, kaip ji paveikė įprastas, nusistovėjusias politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykio praktikas, paskatino institucinės komunikacijos profesionalėjimą. Kita vertus, paaiškėjo, kad persiorientuoti prie labiau formalizuotos bei profesionalios ES politinės komunikacijos kultūros tapo dideliu iššūkiu abiem pusėms – tiek Lietuvos bei Estijos žurnalistams, tiek įvairių nacionalinių institucijų komunikacijos specialistams.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: europeizacija, ES komunikacijos politika, politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykis, politinės komunikacijos kultūra, Baltijos šalys.Europeanization and changing political communication culture in the Baltic statesAušra Vinciūnienė SummaryThis article contributes to expanding the European public sphere research on the Europeanization processes taking place in the new EU member states. It argues that a qualitative shift from the national to the European dimension was, and still is, a great challenge to both societies and political and media actors in Central Eastern Europe.The qualitative research in two Baltic countries – Lithuania and Estonia (in 2006–2009) – has shown that there are some differences in the nature and pace of national (cultural) adaptation of the European perspective in day-to-day political reporting and institutional communication practices as compared with the old member states. The national governments and local institutions show no particular interest (taking into the account a very high support of the EU membership among citizens) and have no financial resources or professional competenc to invest in-to communication on European matters. The study disclosed also the absence of institutionalized “politics–media” relationship among national parties, governments and the media. From the perspective of political institutions, the mass media are an important channel for communication; however, national journalists are regarded by politicians as uncooperative, lacking skills, knowledge and interest in the EU politics. On the other hand, it became obvious that the Baltic media are primarily functioning on commercial logic: they seek to meet the audience demand for entertainment rather than invest into initiating political deliberations, the EU affairs being no exception.Finally, a significant problem is the EU communication policy itself: as the study has revealed, it does not correspond to the realities of the new EU member states where traditions of having consultations with citizens and social groups in the political decision-making process are only in the stage of formation. Still the Commission sees its mission in a more direct involvement with different groups of citizens on educating on what the EU is and how it functions, rather than having a more ambitious goal of communicating and fostering debates and deliberations.


Author(s):  
Ľuboš SMUTKA ◽  
Helena ŘEZBOVÁ ◽  
Patrik ROVNÝ

The European sugar beet quota system is in very high dynamic process in recent years. The number of sugar companies involved in this system has been constantly decreasing. The aim of this paper is to define subjects (companies/alliances), which possess the current production capacities working under the production quotas system. The paper is determining especially the level of beet sugar production quota holder system concentration using the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index. The paper provides the following findings. The European quota holder system is extremely concentrated and it is becoming more and more dominated by fewer players. Sugar quota is distributed among 19 EU-Member States. In this regard, the quota is generous, especially in relation to France, Germany, Poland and United Kingdom. In Finland, Lithuania, Hungary, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Slovakia and the United Kingdom controlled by two or even one subject (companies, alliances). There is a large discrepancy between political efforts to distribute equitable R 1308/2013-sugar quotas among states and the actual reality of those distributions. While the EU-quota holder system does not indicate an extreme concentration, an analysis according to the headquarters´ location and allocated quotas to owners of production capacities provides the evidence of extreme concentration.


Author(s):  
Irina PILVERE ◽  
Aleksejs NIPERS ◽  
Bartosz MICKIEWICZ

Europe 2020 Strategy highlights bioeconomy as a key element for smart and green growth in Europe. Bioeconomy in this case includes agriculture, forestry, fisheries, food and pulp and paper production, parts of chemical, biotechnological and energy industries and plays an important role in the EU’s economy. The growth of key industries of bioeconomy – agriculture and forestry – highly depends on an efficient and productive use of land as a production resource. The overall aim of this paper is to evaluate opportunities for development of the main sectors of bioeconomy (agriculture and forestry) in the EU based on the available resources of land. To achieve this aim, several methods were used – monographic, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, statistical analysis methods. The findings show that it is possible to improve the use of land in the EU Member States. If all the Member States reached the average EU level, agricultural products worth EUR 77 bln would be annually additionally produced, which is 19 % more than in 2014, and an extra 5 billion m3 volume of forest growing stock would be gained, which is 20 % more than in 2010.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document