scholarly journals Europeizacija ir kintanti politinės komunikacijos kultūra Baltijos šalyse

2012 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 37-54
Author(s):  
Aušra Vinciūnienė

Pastaraisiais metais itin išpopuliarėjusių Europos Sąjungos (ES) politinės komunikacijos tyrimų centre atsidūrė mokslininkų pastangos atskleisti europeizacijos kontekste naujai išryškėjančius savitus sociokultūrinio konteksto nulemtus dalykus. Šiame straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinio tyrimo (atlikto 2006–2009 m.) rezultatais, analizuojami politinės komunikacijos europeizacijos procesai dviejose Baltijos šalyse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje) – naujosiose ES narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse, apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai žinoma. Tyrimas parodė, kad Baltijos šalyse metams bėgant palaipsniui pradėjo formuotis ne tik tam tikra atskira europinės komunikacijos dimensija, bet ir savita kultūra: galima stebėti, kaip ji paveikė įprastas, nusistovėjusias politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykio praktikas, paskatino institucinės komunikacijos profesionalėjimą. Kita vertus, paaiškėjo, kad persiorientuoti prie labiau formalizuotos bei profesionalios ES politinės komunikacijos kultūros tapo dideliu iššūkiu abiem pusėms – tiek Lietuvos bei Estijos žurnalistams, tiek įvairių nacionalinių institucijų komunikacijos specialistams.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: europeizacija, ES komunikacijos politika, politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykis, politinės komunikacijos kultūra, Baltijos šalys.Europeanization and changing political communication culture in the Baltic statesAušra Vinciūnienė SummaryThis article contributes to expanding the European public sphere research on the Europeanization processes taking place in the new EU member states. It argues that a qualitative shift from the national to the European dimension was, and still is, a great challenge to both societies and political and media actors in Central Eastern Europe.The qualitative research in two Baltic countries – Lithuania and Estonia (in 2006–2009) – has shown that there are some differences in the nature and pace of national (cultural) adaptation of the European perspective in day-to-day political reporting and institutional communication practices as compared with the old member states. The national governments and local institutions show no particular interest (taking into the account a very high support of the EU membership among citizens) and have no financial resources or professional competenc to invest in-to communication on European matters. The study disclosed also the absence of institutionalized “politics–media” relationship among national parties, governments and the media. From the perspective of political institutions, the mass media are an important channel for communication; however, national journalists are regarded by politicians as uncooperative, lacking skills, knowledge and interest in the EU politics. On the other hand, it became obvious that the Baltic media are primarily functioning on commercial logic: they seek to meet the audience demand for entertainment rather than invest into initiating political deliberations, the EU affairs being no exception.Finally, a significant problem is the EU communication policy itself: as the study has revealed, it does not correspond to the realities of the new EU member states where traditions of having consultations with citizens and social groups in the political decision-making process are only in the stage of formation. Still the Commission sees its mission in a more direct involvement with different groups of citizens on educating on what the EU is and how it functions, rather than having a more ambitious goal of communicating and fostering debates and deliberations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Janina Witkowska

The aim of this paper is to discuss new trends that have occurred in the policies of the EU and China towards foreign direct investment (FDI), to examine some implications of the EU‑China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) – which is currently being negotiated – for their bilateral relations, and to assess the role which China’s “One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative might play in its relations with the new EU Member States. The EU established freedom of capital movement with third countries; however, the introduction of the common investment policy has encountered some obstacles. These are related to investor protection and ISDS issues. In turn, China is carrying out an independent state policy towards foreign investment with limited liberalization of FDI flows. The negotiated EU‑China CAI is expected to create conditions conducive to bilateral foreign investment flows, and it might bring positive effects for their economies in the future. However, the progress made thus far in the negotiations is still limited. The relations between China and the new EU Member states (CEE countries) are characterized by common interests in the field of FDI flows. The new EU countries are interested in attracting Chinese FDI and seem not to show the fears that have arisen in the old EU countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
Zdenka Obuljen Zoričić ◽  
Boris Cota ◽  
Nataša Erjavec

AbstractDue to negotiations on accession to the EU, the new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe went through the financial opening. In the pre-crisis period followed by high liquidity in global markets, most of the EU new member states experienced rapid credit growth, which conditioned the appreciation of the exchange rate. External imbalances and vulnerabilities built up. Countries experienced deterioration in their current accounts. This paper investigates the link between financial openness, real effective exchange rate, financial crisis and current account balance within the Panel Auto-Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) framework for 11 new European Union members during the period from 1999 to 2016. The results obtained by the use of pooled mean group estimator (PMG) show that in the long run, financial openness has a significant negative impact on the current account balance. In the short run, crisis significantly influences the current account balance having a positive sign.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-90
Author(s):  
Milan Viturka ◽  
Vladimír Žítek ◽  
Viktorie Klímová ◽  
Petr Tonev

Regional Analysis of New EU Member States in the Context of Cohesion Policy The paper concentrates on the new European Union member states, i.e. the states of central and eastern Europe which entered the Union in 2004 (Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). The basis of the paper is the evaluation of the cohesion policy in the countries in question, which are then analysed at the level of NUTS 2 regions (cohesion regions). The aim of the socioeconomic analysis is to assess the economic level of the regions and to use the results to form their typology. Ten characteristic indicators were chosen so that the study was as complex as possible. For each indicator in the examined countries the average was calculated, which allowed for a considerable increase of the information relevance of the study conclusions. For the cartographic representation of the regional differentiation intervals based on this average and the standard deviation were used. The final part of the study presents a concluding synthesis together with the above-mentioned typology of the regions. The results are interpreted in the context of the optimal strategy selection for the regional policy determined by the EU cohesion policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 403-407
Author(s):  
Juris Rozenvalds

Russian-speaking communities in the member states of the European Union (EU), especially the Baltic States and Germany, have earned special attention, in recent years, as subjects of important integration policies, on one hand, and the main targets of Russia’s propagandist efforts, on the other. Because a significant part of Russian-speaking communities accepted these efforts, questions were raised concerning the effectiveness of previous integration policies to strengthen the national identity and invoke a feeling of political togetherness. Thus the factors fostering and triggering integration and the relations between civic and ethnocultural components of integration are of wide interest. This paper presents a case study of Latvia, as a country with the highest share of Russian-speaking citizens among the EU member states and a clear prevalence of ethnocultural components in its integration policies in recent years. The study examines the successes and failures of the integration policies of Latvia during the last twenty-five years, using mainly direct observations and sociological data collected during the last twenty years. The results show that language knowledge, citizenship status, and socioeconomic conditions play an important role in integration. In addition, these factors appear more effective with development of inclusive political practices and civil society structures, cooperative discourse, and facilitation of mutual trust between ethnolinguistic communities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus D.W. Stoffels

In this study, the author addresses the intriguing, topical but little-studied question of whether the (old and new) EU Member States should, upon accession to the EU, be obliged to introduce the euro. To begin with, he examines—while deliberately ignoring the problematic exchange rate convergence criterion—whether introducing the euro should in principle be obligatory. After having answered this question in the affirmative, he takes a closer look at the exchange rate convergence criterion. He concludes that a country’s formal participation in the ERM II is a necessary but insufficient requirement for that country to meet the exchange rate convergence criterion. However, since ERM II membership is, for its part, voluntary, this also makes a country’s decision to introduce the euro completely voluntary. Accordingly, a Member State like Sweden is entitled to simply circumvent introducing the euro by simply refraining from participating in the ERM II. The author continuously refers to how different groups of Member States have been treated in the past with regard to them introducing the euro.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Wyszkowska-Kuna

The aim of this paper is to study and compare the competitiveness of the new EU member states in international trade in knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS). The first part of the paper presents a definition of KIBS trade, indicators to measure competitiveness in international service trade, and a short review of research in this field. The second part of the study is empirical. First the author carries out an overall analysis of transactions on KIBS trade in the countries involved. Then the competitiveness of the new EU member states in KIBS export is studied (in total KIBS and in each category of KIBS). International competitiveness is measured by export performance, trade balance and the RCA index. The author compares the competitiveness in KIBS exports between the analyzed countries, and tries to answer the question whether it could have been positively affected by their accession to the EU. The paper uses the WTO database. The analyzed period covers the years 2000–2013, because data on particular categories of ‘Other business services’ have been available only since 2000. The analysis refers to the 12 countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanta Aidukaite

The paper reviews recent socio-economic changes in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe and the earlier and latest debates on the emergence of the post-communist welfare state regime. It asks two questions: are the new EU member states more similar to each other in their social problems encountered than to the rest of the EU world? Do they exhibit enough common socio-economic and institutional features to group them into the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime that deviates from any well-known welfare state typology? The findings of this paper indicate that despite some slight variation within, the new EU countries exhibit lower indicators compared to the EU-15 as it comes to the minimum wage and social protection expenditure. The degree of material deprivation and the shadow economy is on average also higher if compared to the EU-15 or the EU-27. However, then it comes to at-risk-of-poverty rate after social transfers or Gini index, some Eastern European outliers especially the Check Republic, but also Slovenia, Slovakia and Hungary perform the same or even better than the old capitalist democracies. Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, however, show many similarities in their social indicators and performances and this group of countries never perform better than the EU-15 or the EU-27 averages. Nevertheless, the literature reviews on welfare state development in the CEE region reveal a number of important institutional features in support of identifying the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime. Most resilient of it are: an insurance-based programs that played a major part in the social protection system; high take-up of social security; relatively low social security benefits; increasing signs of liberalization of social policy; and the experience of the Soviet/Communist type of welfare state, which implies still deeply embedded signs of solidarity and universalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
Guranda Chelidze ◽  
◽  
Elisabed Machitidze ◽  

This paper depicts the dynamics of the EU-Turkey relations beginning from the signing of the association agreement, i.e. the Ankara contract, to date. In addition, it aims to specify the factors preventing the bilateral collaboration and achievement of EU membership as aspired to by Ankara. The paper focuses on both the internal and international problems arising on Turkey’s path to EU membership, namely, the westernisation trend originating from Kemal Ataturk times, recent developments in Turkey, the democratisation of political institutions, the rule of law and protection of human rights, regional security, Turkey’s part in the refugee crisis, visafree travel, Greek-Turkey relationships, Ankara’s stance towards Cyprus, the Kurdish problem, and the Turkey-US and Turkey-Russia relationships. The authors discuss the EU Member States’ attitude towards the political and socio-economic developments in Turkey and the way Ankara looks at the requirements put forward by those Member States. We suggest several methods of rapprochement and brighter bilateral prospects.


Author(s):  
F. J. Brewerton ◽  
Jane LeMaster

Globalization has been responsible for a number of ongoing interrelated trends including an accelerated worldwide movement toward economic integration, an ongoing proliferation of new multinational corporations, a widening search for new economic opportunities by multinational corporations, and an increasing concern for and attention to bankruptcy as a contingency strategy for multinational corporations when primary strategies catastrophically fail. The economic benefits associated with the removal of trade barriers is also attracting new member countries to the EU and other trading blocks but these new member countries bankruptcy law provisions may have uncertain contingency strategy implications for MNCs.This paper comprises (1) a brief summary of the general trends associated with globalization; (2) a discussion of why international bankruptcy law is becoming increasingly important in the formulation of contingency strategy in multinational corporations; (3) a discussion and analysis of bankruptcy law provisions in new EU member states; (4) a discussion of the strategic implications associated with new member states bankruptcy laws; and (5) general conclusions regarding the attractiveness of new member states bankruptcy laws to multinational corporation strategists.


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