Chapitre 6. The Impact of the European Union on the Trade Union Movement

Author(s):  
Ann P. Branch
2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Strange

This article evaluates the changing assessments within the British trade union movement of the efficacy of European Union integration from the viewpoint of labour interests. It argues that there has been a marked further ‘Europeanisation’ of British trade unionism during the 1990s, consolidating an on-going process which previous research shows began in earnest in the mid 1980s. A shift in trade union economic policy assessments has seen the decisive abandonment of the previously dominant ‘naive’ or national Keynesianism. While there remain important differences in economic perspective between unions, these are not such as would create significant divisions over the question of European integration per se, the net benefits of which are now generally, though perhaps not universally, accepted. The absence of fundamental divisions is evident from a careful assessment of the debates about economic and monetary union at TUC Congress. The Europeanisation of British trade unionism needs to be seen within the context of an emergent regionalism, in Europe and elsewhere. It can best be understood as a rational response by an important corporate actor (albeit one whose national influence has been considerably diminished in recent decades) to globalisation and a significantly changing political economy environment.


1979 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Farrell

In common with many other countries, Australia has had, since 1920, a Communist Party, which is an obvious and continuing symbol of international reaction to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Naturally enough the formation of this Communist Party and its subsequent history has attracted a degree of attention from historians and scholars of Communist movements and Australian politics. The impact of the Profintern, on the other hand, has been completely neglected. Even at the international level no full-scale study of the Profintern and its related trade-union organisations is yet available, and though one scholar has noticed that in Australia “the history of communism in the unions is […] separate from CPA political history”, the bases of this separation have been left relatively unexplored. This article seeks to examine Moscow's links with the Australian trade-union movement via the Profintern in the period 1920–35. It would seem that these links overshadowed the CPA as a “Communist” influence in the Australian context, at least for the first decade of the Comintern's existence. The separation of CPA history from the wider influence of Communism in the unions is discernible almost from the very start.


Author(s):  
Shelton Stromquist ◽  
Greg Patmore

Comparative history provides an opportunity for scholars to move beyond national boundaries and reflect on their own societies in new light. But such comparisons are not always straightforward. While both Australia and the United States have federal governments, the state played a more coercive role against organized labor and radicals in the United States than in Australia. Several factors softened the impact of the state on labor in Australia: a stronger trade union movement, the formation of labor parties, and a political consensus on regulating industrial relations at least until the 1980s. In the United States, unbridled hostility of large corporations toward organized labor governed state policy. Despite these differences, labor in both countries found political space to promote progressive policies and modify the harsh behavior of governments....


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Mitchell

The power to award preference to unionists pursuant to the Commonwealth Con ciliation and Arbitration Act, 1904 is potentially of great importance to the trade union movement. When such a power is exercised it may extend to union members an advan tage over non-unionists across a broad range of employment rights, including engage ment, promotion, taking of leave and retrenchment. It is argued that the power to grant preference has been misunderstood and misapplied by those responsible for its implementation, and that unionists have thereby been deprived of benefits to which they were legally and ethically entitled. It is argued further that the supposed 'principles' adopted in preference cases have been inadequately identified and analysed. In practice one principle has prevailed: preference would be refused unless an employer could be shown to be actively discriminating against union members. Opportunity for a revision of the principles applicable in preference cases arose with the passage of the 1947 amendments to the Conciliation and Arbitration Act. However, the impact of these amendments was to all intents and purposes negated by the High Court's decisions in R. v. Wallis and R. v Findlay. A disinclination to revise past practice in preference cases and to take a more expansive approach to the issue led to the complete demise of federal union interest in preference awards by the late 1960s.


2016 ◽  
pp. 245-290
Author(s):  
Kjeld Jakobsen

Como manera de aportar a una reflexión sobre los posibles caminos que se pueden abrir en Colombia, luego de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno y las Farc-EP, y la apertura de negociaciones de paz entre el mismo gobierno y el ELN, el presente artículo examina los procesos de paz y transición a la democracia en diez países de Centro, Sur América y Sudáfrica. Se parte de un análisis que prioriza el rol de los movimientos sindicales en los procesos de cada uno de estos países, análisis que se configura como forma de ofrecer una reflexión para el propio movimiento sindical colombiano. Esta propuesta es relevante en la medida que dicho movimiento aún se encuentra deliberando sobre cómo influir en la implementación de los Acuerdos de la Habana, ya que estos traen consigo mejorarías en las relaciones laborales, en beneficio al ejercicio de las libertades sindicales y los demás derechos laborales. A partir del análisis comparativo de estos diez casos, se pretende argumentar que, a pesar de la notable heterogeneidad de los procesos, ninguno logró transformar el modelo político económico dominante y solo en Sudáfrica se pudo elegir un gobierno de izquierda en el transcurso de las transiciones democráticas. Del mismo modo en que solo en Perú hubo participación directa, aunque limitada, del movimiento sindical en la transición democrática.Palabras clave: Transición democrática, autoritarismo, movimiento sindical, dictaduras, comisión de la verdad, derechos humanos, libertades sindicales. AbstractInternational Experiences of Peace Processes and Transition to Democracy: The Impact of the Trade Union MovementAs a means of reflecting on the possible paths that could open up in Colombia, after the signing of the Peace Accords between the Colombian government and Las FARC, and the formal opening of Peace negotiations with the ELN, this article examines the peace processes and democratic transitions that took place in ten countries (in Central and South America, and in South Africa). The article gives special attention to examining the role of the trade union movements in each of these processes, in particular to contrast with the Colombian union movement, at a time when this actor is still deliberating as to how best it can influence the implementation of the Havana Peace Accords in a way which helps improve labor relations and the protection of union and other labor rights. Based on the comparative analysis of these ten cases, the author argues that despite the vast heterogeneity of each process, not one peace process managed to transform the dominant political-economic model, and only in South Africa was a leftist government elected during the democratic transitions. Furthermore, only in Peru was there a direct participation of the union movement in the democratic transition, although limited.Key words: Democratic transition, authoritarianism, trade union movement, dictatorships, Truth Commission, Human Rights, union freedoms.   


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2018) ◽  
pp. 155-160
Author(s):  
Simona Mina

Trade union movement in Romania is mostly oriented on actions by reaction type, and the decrease of the impact of trade unionism would be generated by the fact that, for various reasons, these reactions are emptied of content, and are simple reflexes of mobilizing structures now deprived of their engine: the political action. My thesis is that already long enough, Romanian unionism preferred the participation in the construction of policies in areas of interest, against the old social reaction and trade union struggle. Unions should be transformed into some important social actors, who are establishing social rules regarding civil society. This should be an important way for eliminating the gap of power between employers and employees.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Leonori ◽  
Manuel Muñoz ◽  
Carmelo Vázquez ◽  
José J. Vázquez ◽  
Mary Fe Bravo ◽  
...  

This report concerns the activities developed by the Mental Health and Social Exclusion (MHSE) Network, an initiative supported by the Mental Health Europe (World Federation of Mental Health). We report some data from the preliminary survey done in five capital cities of the European Union (Madrid, Copenhagen, Brussels, Lisbon, and Rome). The main aim of this survey was to investigate, from a mostly qualitative point of view, the causal and supportive factors implicated in the situation of the homeless mentally ill in Europe. The results point out the familial and childhood roots of homelessness, the perceived causes of the situation, the relationships with the support services, and the expectations of future of the homeless mentally ill. The analysis of results has helped to identify the different variables implicated in the social rupture process that influences homelessness in major European cities. The results were used as the basis for the design of a more ambitious current research project about the impact of the medical and psychosocial interventions in the homeless. This project is being developed in 10 capital cities of the European Union with a focus on the program and outcome evaluation of the health and psychosocial services for the disadvantaged.


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