Young Scottish National Party Members’ Perceptions of Scotland and the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Claire Breniaux
Author(s):  
Stephen Tierney

This chapter examines the independence referendum in Scotland, held on September 18, 2014, and its implications for the federal direction of the United Kingdom. The referendum saw 55 percent of Scots say “No” to the question: “Should Scotland be an Independent Country?”. Despite this result, the referendum has sparked a further process of decentralization. The chapter first describes the context that led to the Scottish independence referendum, focusing in particular on the success of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the parliamentary elections of May 2011 and why the referendum emerged from—and was organized within—the normal contours of constitutional democracy. It then considers the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the referendum before concluding with an analysis of some of the lessons that can be drawn from it with regard to constitutional change and the issue of secession.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Ochman

It is more than probable that the Commonwealth Games in 2014 will be used by the Scottish government as a tool in the battle for independence. For the Scottish National Party (SNP), sport events constitute another opportunity to underline Scottish autonomy. During the last Olympic Games, SNP ministers refused to use the name “Team GB” in their message to the Scottish athletes. Nurturing Scottish pride during the Games has already begun, with the official mascot—the Clyde Thistle, which is Scotland’s national flower and emblem. The mascot of the Commonwealth Games has never waved the patriotic flag as it does now.


2008 ◽  
Vol 60 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 368-400
Author(s):  
Srdjan Korac

The author analyses the major changes to the political ideology and policy platform of the stateless nation's movement in Western European postindustrial states, taking the Scottish National Party as an special example. The analysis starts with the evolution of the Anglo-Scottish relations beginning from the creation of Union of English and Scottish kingdoms by the Act of Union in 1707. Author then presents the contemporary relationship between these two provinces of the United Kingdom. He stresses that since 1990s, the Scottish national movement have been pursuing the 'silent constitutional revolution' of this multinational community, which means using the most of globalization, the European integration process, and the so called devolution, to maximize the autonomy of Scotland within the United Kingdom.


Significance On September 2, in light of the Scottish electorate's overwhelming vote to remain in the EU, Sturgeon's ruling Scottish National Party (SNP) launched a national survey on whether to hold a second referendum on their flagship policy of independence from the United Kingdom. Impacts Sturgeon's display of post-Brexit leadership will cement her popularity in Scotland, regardless of the independence question. The apparent exhaustion of all other options of retaining EU status could see independence support increase. The failure of a second referendum could put an end to the independence cause for a generation.


Subject Prospects for the United Kingdom in 2020. Significance Regardless of the December 12 election outcome, Brexit will continue to dominate UK politics and further fuel economic and business uncertainty in 2020. The Scottish National Party (SNP) will press London to allow a second independence referendum, risking the integrity of the Union.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Morelli ◽  
Paul Seaman

The Scottish National Party led Scottish Government has identified household poverty as a key focus for its anti-poverty strategy. The government's ‘Solidarity Target’ seeks to both increase wealth and increase the share of total income gained by the bottom three deciles. The ability to demonstrate the advantages of policy divergence within Scotland, relative to the other parts of the United Kingdom, is central to the government's aim of gaining support for increased powers for the devolved government. This paper seeks to provide evidence on one aspect of the government's anti-poverty strategy: the degree to which Scotland differs from the rest of the UK over levels of entrenched poverty. The paper demonstrates that not only does Scotland have greater entrenched poverty but that the changes in mobility since the 1990s have impacted on Scotland to a lesser degree than the rest of the UK.


Significance The move follows the annual conference of her ruling Scottish National Party (SNP) in Glasgow this month -- its last before Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom leave the EU on March 29. Sturgeon has so far resisted pressure to call another Scottish independence referendum in response to Brexit but kept supporters’ hopes alive stressing in her keynote speech, “a better future is within our grasp”. Impacts Sturgeon’s address to the People’s Vote marchers is a clear signal to EU leaders and could stand her in good stead in future talks. Negative Brexit-related developments over the coming years will strengthen the independence movement. Scotland would be in a strong position to re-enter the EU but not to negotiate a bespoke deal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-478
Author(s):  
Mikhail V. Grabevnik

The article conceptualizes the concept of party strength and the measurement of its two quantitative elements (electoral and institutional) by example of four United Kingdom regionalist parties: Scottish National Party, Democratic Unionist Party, Sinn Fein and Plaid Cymru. Based on the analysis of the main theoretical approaches to party strength, the article proposes a method for its measurement, which can be used to measure and evaluate regionalism through the strength of regionalist parties in different political and institutional contexts. Comparing the levels of electoral and institutional party strength allows to highlight several tendencies: growth in electoral strength of UK regionalist parties during 2010s is noted, with stabilization of the institutional party strength; and the gap in the levels of institutional strength of the regionalist parties does not reflect the difference in the level of electoral strength. At the same time, the article mentions the challenges to assessing the strength of regionalist parties, namely, the need for detailed conceptualization of the qualitative characteristics of the party strength and the lack of analysis of the communicative and organizational elements of party strength.


Author(s):  
M.V. Grabevnik

The article focuses on measurement and analysis of the dynamics of the political agenda of the Scottish National Party during the 2010s. The relevance of the study is justified by the current political processes in the United Kingdom, which allows to consider the issue of Brexit and a second referendum as factors in the dynamics of the party agenda. Based on the content analysis of party manifestos, the dynamics of agenda of the Scottish National Party is emphasized. It flexibly and adaptively includes both regionalist and national topics and issues in SNP’s rhetoric and argumentation. Scottish nationalists are increasingly borrowing the agenda of national parties (Conservatives and Labours). At the same time, the SNP consciously positions itself both as a party that remains loyal to regionalist content and as a national party that can compete with large party actors. Being a regionalist social democratic party, the SNP uses two different models of the formation of the party agenda, depending on the political situation. The topics of Brexit, European Union membership and a second referendum on Scottish independence are actively used by the SNP as arguments for expanding their own political subjectivity and regional autonomy, as well as tools for fighting in the domestic political parliamentary and electoral arenas.


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