scholarly journals On the Origins of the Changes of Mao Zedong’s Strategies towards National Bourgeoisie in 1952

2021 ◽  
Vol 09 (08) ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Ting Zhang
Keyword(s):  
National Bourgeoisie

The ‘National Bourgeoisie’

1959 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-331
Author(s):  
Walter Z. Laqueur
Keyword(s):  
National Bourgeoisie

scholarly journals Economía, clases y gobiernos en América Latina

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Claudio Katz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Job Insecurity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
The Social ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Traditional Industry ◽  
National Bourgeoisie

ResumoA validade de conceitos como Pos-liberalismo e "Consenso de mercadorias" é elucidada pela análise das mudanças na região. O capitalismo se espalhou na agricultura e mineração sublinhando a primazia das exportações básicas.A indústria tradicional retrocede frente fábricas exploradoras e aumenta a gravitação das remessas e do turismo.Estas tendências não foram alteradas pela crise global. A burguesia nacional foi substituída por mais capitalistas locais associados à empresas estrangeiras, enquanto o êxodo camponês consolidou a insegurança no trabalho, a pobreza e a desigualdade. Os Estados Unidos implementou tropas para reorganizar o seu domínio. Seus rivais europeus perdem terreno na área econômica e a China desafia nos negócios, mas não em uma preeminência político-militar. Com os projetos Tratado do Pacífico ressurgindo, governos de direita de livre comércio reaparecem. O NAFTA ilustra as consequências sociais de tais acordos, e da burguesia mexicana internacionaliza seus negócios. O Brasil lidera outro bloco com objetivos capitalistas mais autônomas de regionalismo. Ele age como um poder semi-periférico com atitudes ambivalentes em relação aos Estados Unidos. Estas vacilações têm levado à estagnação do MERCOSUL, apesar da nova intervenção geopolítica, como a Unasul e CELAC, patrocinada por presidentes de centro-esquerda. Argentina tem sido relegada e submetida a oscilações imprevisíveis.Palavras-ChaveAmérica Latina, crise, o neoliberalismo, reestruturação---ResumenLa validez de los conceptos Pos-liberalismo y “Consenso de commodities” se dilucida analizando las transformaciones de la región. El capitalismo se ha extendido en el agro y la minería acentuando la preeminencia de las exportaciones básicas. La industria tradicional retrocede frente a las maquilas y aumenta la gravitación de las remesas y el turismo. Estas tendencias no han sido modificadas por la crisis global. La burguesía nacional fue reemplazada por capitalistas locales más asociados con empresas extranjeras, mientras que el éxodo campesino consolida la precarización laboral, la pobreza y la desigualdad. Estados Unidos despliega tropas para reorganizar su dominación. Sus rivales europeos pierden terreno en la economía y China disputa negocios pero no preeminencia político-militar. Con el Tratado del Pacífico resurgen los proyectos de libre-comercio de los gobiernos derechistas. El NAFTA ilustra las consecuencias sociales de estos convenios, que la burguesía mexicana utiliza para internacionalizar sus negocios. Brasil encabeza otro bloque con metas más autónomas de regionalismo capitalista. Actúa como sub-potencia semiperiférica con posturas ambivalentes frente a Estados Unidos. Estas vacilaciones han conducido al estancamiento del MERCOSUR, a pesar de la nueva intervención geopolítica de UNASUR y CELAC, auspiciada por los presidentes de centroizquierda. Argentina ha quedado relegada y sujeta a imprevisibles vaivenes.Palabras clavesAmérica Latina, crisis, neoliberalismo, reestructuración.---AbstractThe validity of concepts such as Pos-liberalism and "Consensus of commodities" is elucidated by analyzing the changes in the region. Capitalism has spread in agriculture and mining industries emphasizing the primacy of the basic exports. The traditional industry fell off the maquilas and gravitated towards remittances and tourism. These trends have not been changed by the global crisis. The national bourgeoisie was replaced by more local capitalists associated with foreign companies, while the peasant exodus consolidated job insecurity, poverty and inequality. United States deployed troops to reorganize its domination. Their european rivals have been losing ground in the economic area and China challenges in business but not in a political-military preeminence. With the Treaty Pacific projects resurfacing, free-trade right-wing governments reappear. The NAFTA illustrates the social consequences of these agreements, and the mexican bourgeoisie internationalize their business. Brazil leads another block with more autonomous capitalist goals of regionalism. It acts as a semi-peripheral power with ambivalent attitudes toward the United States. These vacillations have led to the stagnation of MERCOSUL, despite the new geopolitical intervention, such as UNASUR and CELAC, sponsored by the center-left presidents. Argentina has been relegated and subjected to unpredictable swings.Key-WordsLatin America, crisis, neoliberalism, restructuring 

Ben Fallaw,Cárdenas Compromised:The Failure of Reform in Postrevolutionary Yucatán. London: Duke University Press, 2001. 222 pp.

2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 211-213
Author(s):  
Wil G. Pansters
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
International Capital ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Duke University ◽  
Corporatist State ◽  
National Bourgeoisie ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas

The presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940), one of the leading figures of Latin American populism of the first half of the twentieth century, has long been surrounded by myth and politicized interpretations. To a certain extent this is understandable: under Cárdenas's leadership major and spectacular reforms were carried out that had their roots in claims originally formulated during and in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1917). Moreover, these reforms have had a lasting impact on Mexico's political and socioeconomic development. In state-sanctioned historia oficial the figure of “grandfather” Cárdenas long reached mythical proportions: he carried out huge projects of land reform and thus finally responded to the demands of poor peasants and Indians, stood up against international capital by nationalizing the oil industry, rebuffed the conservative factions of the national bourgeoisie and laid the foundations for the corporatist state and party, that was to rule Mexico for the remaining part of the century, and thus gave institutional voice to the country's working classes. This image has also been influential in scholarly writings, particularly in those that studied cardenismo as a national phenomenon. Recent years, however, have seen important changes. Nationalist populism is drastically reevaluated in the dominant discourse of neoliberal modernity, and scholars have started to break down the phenomenon, thereby trying to overcome politicized interpretations.

scholarly journals L’industriel automobile et l’alcool : Limite des stratégies multinationales au Brésil

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Duquette
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Automobile Industry ◽  
Market Integration ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Funding ◽  
Car Industry ◽  
Regional Market ◽  
Energy Consuming ◽  
The Third World ◽  
National Bourgeoisie

In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry. In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.

scholarly journals THE RELEVANCE OF THE TERM «NATIONAL BOURGEOISIE» FORRESEARCHINGTHE RULING ELITE IN UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Core ◽  
Rhetorical Figures ◽  
National Bourgeoisie ◽  
Marxist Tradition

The article demonstrates the relevance of the concept of «national bourgeoisie» in the context of researching the ruling elite in Ukraine. The main limitations of the current concepts of the Ukrainian ruling elite are an ahistorical approach, and treating it (elite) as an anomaly, pathology. Particular attention is paid to the criticism of the concepts «neopatrimonial democracy», «oligarchy», «corruption», which constitute the core contents of the current concepts of the ruling elite in Ukraine. The concept of «national bourgeoisie» and the exposition of its evolution in Marxist theory serves as the basis for the criticism. It was determined that neopatrimonialism, and with it oligarchy and corruption, are concepts denoting the power of one faction unfavorable for theother faction of the bourgeoisie. These terms do not refer to any existing norm, alternative, do not imply the opposite, its otherness (democracy, the rule of law, but they are polemical, rhetorical figures in the class struggle. The theoretical content of these concepts acquires scientific meaning only when using the Marxian concept of the bourgeoisie (or the national bourgeoisie in the Marxist tradition), which presupposesthe rule of law insofar as it meets the economic interests of the bourgeoisie, and the state is a concentrated expression of these interests, as well as a foothold in the struggle of different factions of the bourgeoisie among themselves and against the oppressed classes (hence, bourgeois democracy). Power is not conceived outside of capital since capitalists are indirectly or directly related to each other and influence the authorities' decisions. Under the conditions of postcolonialism, or neocolonialism, the national bourgeoisie has resorted to more direct forms of protecting their interests through state, restricting foreign capital in the economy and political power. However, this does not mean the absolute independence of the national bourgeoisie from the transnational bourgeoisie, both in the political and in economic sense. The study proves the necessity of using the concept of «national bourgeoisie» for researching the ruling elite in Ukraine under capitalism in general, and the intra– and interclass struggle in particular.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document