scholarly journals L’industriel automobile et l’alcool : Limite des stratégies multinationales au Brésil

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Duquette
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Automobile Industry ◽  
Market Integration ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Funding ◽  
Car Industry ◽  
Regional Market ◽  
Energy Consuming ◽  
The Third World ◽  
National Bourgeoisie

In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry. In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.

Health Informatics Education in the Third World

1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (04) ◽  
pp. 270-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Rienhoff
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Health Informatics ◽  
Third World ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
Collaboration Network ◽  
Educational Tools ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World

Abstract:The state of the art is summarized showing many efforts but only few results which can serve as demonstration examples for developing countries. Education in health informatics in developing countries is still mainly dealing with the type of health informatics known from the industrialized world. Educational tools or curricula geared to the matter of development are rarely to be found. Some WHO activities suggest that it is time for a collaboration network to derive tools and curricula within the next decade.

The Political Economy of Post-Independence India—A Review Article

1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 787-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akhil Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Newly Industrialized Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
The Third World

Economists and political scientists have become increasingly interested in the political economy of India during the past decade and particularly during the past three or four years. The titles under review will be valuable not only to India specialists but also to comparative scholars because of the intriguing mix of conditions found in India. More like a continent than a country in its diversity, India is in some ways very similar to densely populated, predominantly rural and agricultural China, differing most perhaps in the obstinacy and depth of its poverty. In the predominant role played by the state within an essentially capitalist economy, it is closer to the model of Western social democracies than it is to either prominently ideological capitalist or socialist nation-states; like other countries in the “third world,” the state in India plays a highly interventionist developmental role. Finally, since Independence it has pursued, more successfully than most nation-states in Latin America and Asia, policies of importsubstituting industrialization and relative autarchy. In terms of its political structures, India differs from most newly industrialized countries (NICs) in that it generally continues to function as a parliamentary democracy. The federal political system creates an intriguing balance of forces between central and the regional state governments, which are often ruled by opposition parties with agendas, ideologies, and organizational structures quite different from those of the central government.

Globalization and the death of liberal democracy

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Cammack
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Third World ◽  
Economic Globalization ◽  
Economic Liberalization ◽  
The State ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World

It is doubtful as to whether the countries of the Third World are likely to move to the kind of liberal democracy that is regarded as characteristic of the West. In particular, parties are often remaining ‘parties of the State’ and not organizations truly competing with each other. This is in part a consequence of economic globalization, as the requirements of global economic liberalization do not fit with the requirements of democracy. In such a context, clientelism around the State may be inevitable and it contributes to ensuring that the main party in the country, and indeed all parties become ‘parties of the State’, as is the case in Mexico or Malaysia and perhaps in the Ukraine and South Africa. Thus, globalization does not mean the end of the State, but possibly the end of liberal democracy.

scholarly journals Making transnational markets: the institutional politics behind the TTIP

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bartl Marija
Keyword(s):  
Market Integration ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Institutional Dynamics ◽  
Transatlantic Trade ◽  
Regulatory Cooperation ◽  
Regulatory Culture ◽  
The Eu

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may not bear fruit in its current incarnation, but it certainly teaches us crucial lessons regarding the institutional dynamics of market integration beyond the state. I argue that the TTIP’s so-called ‘regulatory cooperation’, in principle a mere mechanism for ‘discussion’ and ‘exchange’ between regulators, would have had a profound impact on the regulatory culture across the Atlantic. I make this argument in three interrelated steps. First, building on insights from constitutional law and political science, I outline an analytical framework for the study of rule-making institutions beyond the state. Second, I analyse the TTIP through the lens of this framework, illustrating the mechanisms through which its model for regulatory cooperation could reform the regulatory culture in the EU. Third, I argue that this change in the EU regulatory culture would have been neither an accident, nor a result of a US-led hegemonic project. Instead, the TTIP’s regulatory cooperation is a part of the EU’s internal political struggle, intended ultimately to re-balance not only powers between the legislative and the executive in the EU, but also within the EU’s executive branch itself.

Bearing Burdens

2018 ◽  
pp. 123-151
Author(s):  
William O. Walker
Keyword(s):  
International Development ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Third World ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Civic Action ◽  
The Third ◽  
American Century ◽  
Alliance For Progress ◽  
Agency For International Development ◽  
The Third World

This chapter assesses the various obstacles impeding the expansion of the American Century from early 1961 through 1964. Numerous problems, including Laos, Berlin, the Cuban missile crisis, and Vietnam brought into question John F. Kennedy’s leadership. His response too often minimized consultation with allies and, across the Third World, increasingly focused on security and stability through civic action programs, overseen by the Office of Public Safety in the Agency for International Development—to the great detriment, for example, of experiments like the Alliance for Progress. Meanwhile, the rise of multinational corporations and deficit-induced flight of gold thwarted Kennedy’s and Lyndon Johnson’s economic policies, while weakening America’s hegemony and credibility.

Chinese Wisdom, World Quality

2016 ◽  
pp. 237-259
Author(s):  
Cheryl Marie Cordeiro
Keyword(s):  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Automobile Industry ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Typical Feature ◽  
Foreign Direct Investments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Home Base ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Visual Semiotics

The typical feature of emergent economies is a slow, apparent transformation from being predominantly a home base of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) to becoming more home markets for various firms that expand internationally. In this aspect, China differs from its Asian forerunners. Without question, the most rapid development in recent decades within East Asia and the global economy as a whole is the (re-)emergence of China. While most studies on growth strategies for multinational corporations from emerging economies come from the perspective of economic strategies in international business, this study offers a novel perspective by using visual semiotics as a framework of study and analysis of data. It uses theories of social semiotics borne of the traditions of linguistics to conduct a systematic analysis of the representations of China's desire to go global with their automobile industry. The company in focus is China's Zhejiang Geely Holding Group (Geely) in the years between 2007 to 2011, just prior to an after its acquisition of Volvo Car Corporation (VCC).

Soviet Perspectives and Policies toward Reactionary Regimes in the Developing World

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sector ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
The Third ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Third World

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.

Enhancing Political Representation Through the European Economic Constitution? Regressive Politics of Democratic Inclusion

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-219
Author(s):  
Jussi Jaakkola
Keyword(s):  
Market Integration ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The State ◽  
European Market ◽  
Regulatory Competition ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
Political Empowerment ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Economic Constitution ◽  
The Eu

Interrelation between economic and political dimensions of constitutionalism – European market integration and erosion of democratic representation within Member States of the EU – Regulatory externalities between national democracies – European market citizenship and its ramifications for democratically legitimate exercise of the power to tax – Underinclusiveness of domestic democratic process – Political representation beyond the state – European economic constitution as a source of political empowerment and the EU economic freedoms as political rights – The European Court of Justice as a protector of representation – Reinforcing political participation through regulatory competition – European market freedoms enhance representation but at the expense of political equality – Economic freedoms as insufficient means of political empowerment – Improving democratic representation and equality beyond the state requires properly political citizenship instead of mere market rights

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