GEOPOLITICAL COMPONENTS OF HYBRID WAR: CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS

Radical transformations in the global geopolitical reality led to the immediate development of the latest form of geopolitical conflict – hybrid war. The urgency of understanding is indicated the concept of "hybrid war", of systematization geopolitical concepts, development and implementation of reaching a consensus technology in global and regional hybrid wars. The main characteristic features of the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war are considered from the point of view of classical and modern geopolitical concepts are considered. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is taking place in a fundamentally new world geopolitical environment. Denouement of hostilities from the aggressor countryindicates the inability to achieve the goal by non-forceful methods. It is proved that the main geostrategic goals of Russia are associated with an attempt to turn its own Eurasian resources into the only ones in the world. Thus, firstly, it will create competition for the Atlantic geopolitical system, and secondly, it could lead most states, including Ukraine, to energy depletion, which would contribute to institutional destruction and a crisis of the legitimacy of power. It is being proved that the main reason for the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is Russia's desire to restore regional and world leadership. This geostrategy is based on a well-founded geopolitical Eurasian concept of Russia, which gives Russian expansion a civilizational meaning and justifies the need to unite the Eurasian continent as a counterweight to the expansion of Atlanticism. From the standpoint of the civilization approach, the geopolitical vulnerability of Ukraine is emphasized due to the fact that it is on the verge of a collision of two powerful civilizations - Eurasian and European. It is noted that during the escalation of the confrontation, the geopolitical border became a real front line, and the territory of Ukraine is used as a springboard for military action. Geostrategic factors are highlighted that explain the conditions for the existence of modern relations between the aggressor state and the object state.

INNOVATIONS IN POLICY OF TEACHING AT THE UNIVERSITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF ACADEMIC REVOLUTIONS

Categories of the academic revolutions and innovations in a perspective of educational policy at the higher school are considered. Special attention is paid to the development of innovations in training at the foreign and Ukrainian universities, since X1X of a century up to now. It is noted that agricultural, industrial, global, demographic and other revolutions created basis for the academic revolutions which resulted from transformations of society and caused innovations in higher education systems. The contribution of the academic revolutions in strengthening of role of the universities in society is confirmed. The major innovations in training stimulated university teaching throughout all academic revolutionary periods (after 1867, 1945, 1983) in developed industrial and developing countries, such as the USA, some states of the European Union and Ukraine. Emergence of innovations in policy of teaching at the universities during the first academic revolution, their modification during the second one, and new turns in transformation of innovations during the third academic revolution is investigated. Introduction of innovations in teaching differed in intensity and scale during the academic revolutions. On examples of teaching it is shown how political and ideological processes in society influenced functioning of the universities. An attempt to compare educational processes during three revolutions and to reveal the most innovational period was made. It is proved that innovations in training were implanted in three academic revolutions, the third one turned out to be the most innovative. The major innovations in policy of teaching were connected with the development of scientific and technical knowledge that contributed to the emergence of the information society. The developed countries offered the introduction of policy of cooperation in the higher education that made impact on innovations in university education. The Coronavirus pandemic of 2019/20 demonstrated the need to use various forms of Internet communications (Zoom, Google Classroom, Moodle, Whereby, etc.) to switch to new opportunities to teach students in higher education institutions around the world at the beginning of the XXI century.

STRUCTURES OF MODERN HEGEMONY: THE USA CASESTUDY

The present paper is devoted to the study of hegemony as a process of power distribution, which is based on the constant interaction of modes – dynamic characteristics of hegemony. Hegemony was often viewed as a phenomenon or state of political and ethical reality though macrohistorical, world-system and socio-economic studies during the twentieth century showed that hegemony should be considered as a process, i.e. as a whole directed and stable set of relationships (economic, social, political, military, cultural, etc.), which form the normative-value space of both society and forms of political organization, such as empires or modern states. The article analyzes the hegemony of the United States of America as a modern empire, which is characterized by transnationality, the use of «reasonable power» and the creation of an extensive infrastructure of control and discipline in various spheres of life of both societies and states. The use of structural-functional and world-system approaches has shown that US hegemony consists of four main modes (as further research may reveal other modes): capital, power, power relations, and ideology, which have a specific set of structures with their own content that provide reproduction of hegemony and its further expansion. It is proved that dollarization of the world, control over the banking system and stock exchanges, constant use of its own military forces and their mobility, control over international associations (both global and local levels), transnationalization of culture, technology and information, production of global trends, transformation of hierarchies of values and globalization processes are components of modern hegemony, its dynamic characteristics and structures that ensure its functionality. The existing structures create a dominant position of the United States in the world, which is reflected in the transformation of normative value systems of different societies, and also serve as a basis for structural and functional metamorphoses in political systems of different countries in the orbit of hegemonic influence.

THE RELEVANCE OF THE TERM «NATIONAL BOURGEOISIE» FORRESEARCHINGTHE RULING ELITE IN UKRAINE

The article demonstrates the relevance of the concept of «national bourgeoisie» in the context of researching the ruling elite in Ukraine. The main limitations of the current concepts of the Ukrainian ruling elite are an ahistorical approach, and treating it (elite) as an anomaly, pathology. Particular attention is paid to the criticism of the concepts «neopatrimonial democracy», «oligarchy», «corruption», which constitute the core contents of the current concepts of the ruling elite in Ukraine. The concept of «national bourgeoisie» and the exposition of its evolution in Marxist theory serves as the basis for the criticism. It was determined that neopatrimonialism, and with it oligarchy and corruption, are concepts denoting the power of one faction unfavorable for theother faction of the bourgeoisie. These terms do not refer to any existing norm, alternative, do not imply the opposite, its otherness (democracy, the rule of law, but they are polemical, rhetorical figures in the class struggle. The theoretical content of these concepts acquires scientific meaning only when using the Marxian concept of the bourgeoisie (or the national bourgeoisie in the Marxist tradition), which presupposesthe rule of law insofar as it meets the economic interests of the bourgeoisie, and the state is a concentrated expression of these interests, as well as a foothold in the struggle of different factions of the bourgeoisie among themselves and against the oppressed classes (hence, bourgeois democracy). Power is not conceived outside of capital since capitalists are indirectly or directly related to each other and influence the authorities' decisions. Under the conditions of postcolonialism, or neocolonialism, the national bourgeoisie has resorted to more direct forms of protecting their interests through state, restricting foreign capital in the economy and political power. However, this does not mean the absolute independence of the national bourgeoisie from the transnational bourgeoisie, both in the political and in economic sense. The study proves the necessity of using the concept of «national bourgeoisie» for researching the ruling elite in Ukraine under capitalism in general, and the intra– and interclass struggle in particular.

SOME FEATURES OF NEOPATRIMONIAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS

The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.

HYBRID VERSION OF UKRAINE TRANSITION FROM PERIPHERY OF WORLD-ECONOMY TO SEMI-PERIPHERY

The article examines the transition of Ukraine from the periphery of the modern world-economy to the semi-periphery. Several global variants of such a transition have been analysed and a hybrid version has been proposed. Based on the analysis of Ukrainian export-import operations, the conclusion of our previous work of Ukraine being one of the periphery states has been confirmed. According to the global practice, for such states, there are two options for the transition to the semi-periphery. The first of them is the implementation of such systemic reforms that will allow for a considerable time to redistribute profits from international operations in their favour. This option is implemented in two forms. The first is authoritarian modernization (examples – Singapore, China). The second is reforms carried out with the broad support of the countries of the centre (an example is the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the Central Europe countries). The second option is cooperation with the hegemonic state (USA) in the field of security and maintenance of order, for which such a state receives various support and access to the American sales market (examples - South Korea, Japan and the FRG, partly Turkey and Chile). It was concluded that the above options are unacceptable in a difficult Ukrainian case (chronic under-reforming, low quality of the Ukrainian elite, internal problems in the EU and the United States, a protracted conflict with the Russian Federation, etc.), thus there is a need for such an option that would combine the elements of all of the above – that is, a hybrid one. The proposed option assumes, firstly, the introduction of qualitatively new representatives into the Ukrainian elite, capable for systemic reforms, secondly, the continuation of European integration efforts, thirdly, strengthening cooperation with the United States in the security sphere, and fourthly, the activation of regional integration projects (primarily with Turkey and Poland). If efforts in one of the designated areas fail, then resources can be redirected to activate others without wasting precious time. As a conclusion, it was stated that the proposed hybrid version of Ukraine’s transition from the periphery to the semi-periphery looks like the only realistic way for Ukraine.

DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: CONCEPTS AND UKRAINIAN REALITIES

This paper is devoted to clarifying the essence of the political regime that emerged in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections. The author concludes that the current political regime in Ukraine is a classic example of delegative democracy, as it emerged as a result free, competitive and transparent elections, but after the election all state power was concentrated in the hands of the president, with significant violations of generally accepted standards of democratic of governance and norms and procedures of Ukrainian legislation. He emphasizes that the value of the concept of delegative democracy lies in the fact that it illustrates one of the contradictions in the democratic development of many countries that lack democratic traditions – the contradiction between the electoral legitimacy of government and generally accepted standards of democratic governance. Delegative democracies are by its nature the populist regimes, the emergence of which is caused by the belief of citizens in improving their lives under the leadership of a charismatic person. It is noted that delegative regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are democracy has three development trends: 1) comparable endurance; 2) the transformation to autocracy; 3) the removal of the president from power as a result of subsequent elections or mass protests. The author believes that all these alternatives can theoretically be inherent in the current regime of delegative democracy in Ukraine, but the endurance is the least likely of them. The transformation of delegative democracy into autocracy or the elimination of the Zelensky regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are more likely.

DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN THE MODERN WORLD AS A FACTOR OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

The demographic processes of the modern world in the context of international security are considered. The main focus is on the demographic situation in industrialized countries and developing countries. The nature of population growth in developing regions and the threat of uncontrolled migration are traced. The demographic problem of industrially developed countries - an increase in the proportion of the population of retirement age with a decrease in the proportion of the population of working age - is highlighted. It was revealed that the marginalization of the population, combined with the high mobility of the population, which is inherent in developing regions, creates the preconditions for further migration of the population, particularly to more developed regions, such a situation - a large percentage of mobile and young population in developing regions is a threat to socio-economic and political stability in developed regions, since a high standard of living, developed infrastructure, economic and social stability make developed regions attractive for migration from developing countries. It is analyzed that industrially developed regions have undergone a demographic transition, which has led to an increase in the proportion of the elderly population while the proportion of the working-age population has decreased, such demographic changes call into question the viability of the Welfare state model in the long term due to the lack of resources to support it, and a high standard of living actualizes the problem of uncontrolled migration from developing regions that have a surplus of population. The problem of institutional inefficiency in developing regions is considered, which can determine the problem of natural disasters, hunger, wars and epidemics and, as a consequence, a massive uncontrolled process of changing the place of residence, is a serious factor of regional and international security. The article analyzes how the demographic situation in the modern world is a challenge and threat to regional and international security.

PROSPECTS OF ITALEXIT IN THE CONTEXT OF RISKS OF STRENGTHENING DISINTEGRATION PROCESSES IN EUROPE

The risks of Italy's withdrawal from the European Union (Italexit) are analyzed. Italy has one of the most powerful economies in the European Union and a great political influence on the processes in the EU. Therefore, the possible exit of this country from the Union could have catastrophic economic and political consequences for the future of European integration. The probability of the threat of the so-called Italexit, which has been discussed by the Italian politicians for a long time, is researched. In addition, the ways and possibilities of avoiding the threat of Italexit, as well as strengthening European solidarity despite the development of disintegration processes in Europe in general and in Italy in particular, are discovered. The probability of Italexit is defined as low, but some negative trends that may increase the risks of Italy's exit from the EU in the future are outlined. The growing sentiments of euroscepticism in Italy and their impact on the country's foreign policy and on relations between Italy and the EU's central institutions in Brussels are observed. The most influential parties of Eurosceptics and right-wing populists and their activities in the Italian parliament and government are considered. The prospects for further activities of Eurosceptic parties and their potential impact on the policy of Italy and the EU are forecasted. It is proved that Italian Eurosceptics are potentially the most dangerous in Europe because of their popularity not only at the national but also at the European level, their ability to unite right-wing radical parties from other European countries, their ambitions to occupy key positions in the European Commission and their active ties with Russia. The possible ways to avoid the most catastrophic scenarios of Italy's exit from the EU are analyzed.

HOW DO MILITARY CONFLICTS END? LESSONS FOR UKRAINE

The main ways of ending military conflicts, both between states and within the state, are considered. Among the four main ways to end the war are: military victory, negotiated settlement, negotiated truces, peace of sorts is imposed by third parties. Researchers conclude that the best way to promote sustainable peace is a negotiated settlement. The main factor here is the text of the peace agreement, which creates the rules of the game, according to which the key actors in the conflict agree to act. The models of democracy that can be laid down in a peace agreement are analyzed. Among them are consociational democracy, power-dividing, centrifugal and corporate models. The attention is paid to the consociational model, which according to the author, is the best alternative for resolving the armed conflict in the occupied territories of Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine. The basic idea of power-sharing or consociational democracy is to accommodate the interests of the political elite, which represents each segment in a divided society. The key characteristics of power-sharing are a grand coalition, segment’s autonomy, proportional representation, and mutual veto. All these features can be applied in different categories of power-sharing. These are political, military, economic, and territorial dimensions. Besides, there are three types of power-sharing: inclusive power-sharing, constraining power-sharing, and dispersive power-sharing. The division of different types helps to understand at what stage of conflict resolution, what kind of institutions of power-sharing should be implemented. An analysis of the Minsk Agreement revealed that its text was at odds with current conflict resolution practices, which was one of the reasons why the agreement does not affect conflict resolution.