The news media as networked political actors: how Italian media are reclaiming political ground by harnessing online participation: Cristian Vaccari

2012 ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer

Political agenda setting is the part of agenda-setting research that refers to the influence of the media agenda on the agenda of political actors. More precisely, the central question of political agenda-setting research is whether political actors adopt the issue agenda of the news media in various aspects ranging from communicating about issues that are prominently discussed in the news media to prioritizing issues from the news media agenda in political decision making. Although such effects have been studied under different labels (agenda building, policy agenda setting) for several decades, research in this field has recently increased significantly based on a new theoretical model introducing the term political agenda setting. Studies based on that model usually find effects of media coverage on the attention political actors pay to various issues, but at the same time point to a number of contingent conditions. First, as found in research on public agenda setting, there is an influence of characteristics of news media (e.g., television news vs. print media) and issues (e.g., obtrusive vs. unobtrusive issues). Second, there is an influence of characteristics of the political context (e.g., government vs. oppositional parties) and characteristics of individual politicians (e.g., generalists vs. specialists). Third, the findings of studies on the political agenda-setting effect differ, depending on which aspects of the political agenda are under examination (e.g., social media messages vs. political decision making).


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-265
Author(s):  
Per Oleskog Tryggvason

Abstract One key question in research on the mediatization of politics concerns how political actors are influenced by the news media. Using a unique dataset of more than 2,400 Swedish politicians, this study bridges two literatures—the arena framework of strategic party behavior, and research on elite perceptions of media power—by investigating how politicians assess the influence of mediás publication of opinion polls. The results show that published opinion polls are seen as highly influential, but that perceptions of influence vary between the internal, electoral, media, and parliamentary arenas on which political parties act. Furthermore, on the electoral and media arena, the perceived influence of published opinion polls is found to be a function of how the politician’s party has performed on the polls. More specifically, politicians who believe their party to have either increased or decreased their poll support since the previous election deem polls as more influential compared to politicians who perceive that their party has not moved in the polls.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 476-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Wettstein ◽  
Frank Esser ◽  
Anne Schulz ◽  
Dominique S. Wirz ◽  
Werner Wirth

In the wake of the recent successes of populist political actors and discussions about its causes in Europe, the contribution of the media has become an issue of public debate. We identify three roles—as gatekeepers, interpreters, and initiators—the media can assume in their coverage of populist actors, populist ideology, and populist communication. A comparative content analysis of nine thousand stories from fifty-nine news outlets in ten European countries shows that both media factors (e.g., tabloid orientation) and political factors (e.g., response of mainstream parties) influence the extent and nature of populism in the media. Although newspapers in most countries do not overrepresent populist actors and tend to evaluate them negatively, we still find abundant populist content in the news. Several media outlets like to present themselves as mouthpieces of the people while, at the same time, cover politicians and parties with antiinstitutional undertones.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Hensman Kettrey

How do news media portray collective action involving activists who are deemed illegitimate political actors? The news media has a well-documented tendency to disparage adult activists by excluding their voices from coverage, attacking their political identities, and minimizing their collective action outcomes. However, the perceived illegitimacy of youth activists suggests they have no voices to be excluded, no political identities to be attacked, and no outcomes to minimize. This study analyzes coverage of the virginity pledge movement and gay-straight alliances in nationally circulated newspapers across two decades. Findings indicate youth activists' illegitimacy actually guaranteed youth a voice in the news media, but this came with unintended consequences. The news media used this perceived illegitimacy to undermine youth activists in three ways: (1) restricting youth voices to personal (apolitical) testimonies, (2) engaging in displaced disparagement by attacking adults and other legitimate targets, and (3) holding adults accountable for collective action outcomes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 089443931988163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Unkel ◽  
Mario Haim

Democratic election campaigns require informed citizens. Yet, while the Internet allows for broader information through greater media choices, algorithmic filters, such as search engines, threaten to unobtrusively shape individual information repertoires. The purpose of this article is to analyze what search results people encounter when they employ various information orientations, and how these results reflect people’s attributions of issue ownership. A multimethod approach was applied during the 2017 German Federal Election campaign. First, human search behavior depicting various information orientations was simulated using agent-based testing to derive real search results from Google Search, which were then manually coded to identify information sources and ascribe issue ownerships. Second, a survey asked participants about which issues they attribute to which party. We find that search results originated mainly from established news outlets and reflected existing power relations between political parties. However, issue-ownership attributions of the survey participants were reflected poorly in the search results. In total, the results indicate that the fear of algorithmic constraints in the context of online search might be overrated. Instead, our findings (1) suggest that political actors still fail to claim their core issues among political search results, (2) highlight that news media (and thus existing media biases) feature heavily among search results, and (3) call for more media literacy among search engine users.


2009 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Conway

Abstract This essay represents a preliminary attempt to devise a method for examining words and their apparently equivalent translations as they appear in the news media. Taking Walter Benjamin’s essay on the task of the translator as a starting point and drawing on Edmund Husserl’s phenomenology and Antoine Culioli’s and Paul Laurendeau’s enunciative linguistics, the author argues that this appearance of equivalence is deceptive, for at least two reasons: first, because differing, culturally specific assumptions underlie the interpretations of these words and their translations; and second, because as the implications of these words and their translations are reported upon and contested (by political actors, by reporters, by editorialists), their meanings effectively change.


The current use of on-line social networks to unfold information and change opinions, by using most of the people, news media and political actors alike, has implement new outlet of research in computational political science. Here The trouble of compute and inferring the political leaning of Twitter customers. We formulate political leaning inference as a convex optimization problem that consists of ideas: Twitter users generally tend to tweet and retweet constantly, and Similar Twitter users have a tendency to be retweeted through similar sets of target audience. Then take a look at our inference technique to a massive dataset of Indian political personnel’s related individual tweets amassed over a time frame. On a fixed of regularly retweeted resources, our method achieves a few percentage of accuracy and excessive rank correlation compared with manually created labels. By analyzing the political leaning of some amount regularly retweeted property, and get regular clients who retweeted them, and the hash tags utilized by those sources, our quantitative have a examine sheds slight at the political demographics of the Twitter population, and the temporal dynamics of political polarization as activities spread..


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