The professionalization of the EU’s civil society: a conceptual framework: Sabine Saurugger

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 20-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Obiora Chinedu Okafor

The roles that Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholars could play in political and/or socio-economic struggles beyond the academy, and the relationships of these scholars to politicians, diplomats activists, civil servants, peasant movements, civil society, and other nonacademic actors are issues as important to TWAIL as they are understudied and underenacted. The three essays in this TWAIL Symposium take up this theme of praxis.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Subhash Abhayawansa ◽  
Carol A. Adams ◽  
Cristina Neesham

PurposeDrawing on Adams (2017a) conceptualisation of value creation by organisations published in the Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal, the purpose of this paper is to develop a conceptualisation of how national governments can create value for society and the economy through their approach to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).Design/methodology/approachAn initial conceptual framework was developed from literature situated at the intersection of accountability, public policy and sustainability/sustainable development. The authors' review of extant research on national policy development on value creation, sustainability and the SDGs identified gaps in (understanding of) approaches to national accountability and national governance (by state and civil society) processes. The subsequent thematic analysis of 164 written submissions made to the Australian Senate inquiry on the SDGs between December 2017 and March 2018, together with transcripts of five public hearings where 49 individuals and organisations appeared as witnesses during the second half of 2018, focussed on addressing these gaps.FindingsInput to the Australian Senate Inquiry on the SDGs overwhelmingly emphasised the importance of transparency and stakeholder participation in accountability systems, commenting on data gathering, measuring and communicating. There was an emphasis on the need to involve all parts of society, including business, investors and civil society, and for strong central co-ordination by the Office of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. These data allowed the authors to refine the conceptualisation of how national governments can enhance social and economic value through a focus on the UN SDGs and their approach to accounting, accountability and governance.Practical implicationsThe findings have implications: for national governments in developing approaches to achieve sustainable development; and, for supranational bodies such as the UN in developing agreements, frameworks and guidance for national governments.Originality/valueBuilding on the extant literature about how global governance should be engaged to improve accountability in achieving the SDGs, the conceptual framework developed through the study shifts focus to national governance and accountability, and provides a blueprint for national governments to create value for the economy and society in the face of global sustainable development issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sullivan

Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on election campaigning, social movements, and other modes of political communication. It demonstrates how a new system of coevolving media, civil society, and political spheres is taking shape, characterised by complexity, heterogeneity, interdependence, and transition.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvaro Sevilla-Buitrago

Gramsci’s and Foucault’s readings of power provide critical illuminations for understanding the linkage of state formations to urbanization and the spatial production of subjectivity. This article uses Central Park to illustrate how a combination of their insights helps to elucidate the emergence of pedagogical spaces and environmental hegemonies. I first propose a conceptual framework drawing on diverse parallels and tensions in Gramsci’s Quaderni del carcere and Foucault’s investigations in the 1970s, reassessed here from the vantage point of the implicit debate with Marxism in La société punitive. Urbanization and the built environment are theorized as material apparatuses of a form of capillary power that reconfigures the relations between state, civil society and individual subjects, striving to forge common senses of space that buttress political hegemony. This analytical toolkit is then applied in a political reappraisal of Central Park, exploring the role of design in the pedagogy of subaltern spatialities and the normalization of a consensual regime of publicity. The discussion pays special attention to the park’s assemblage of liberal and disciplinary spatial techniques, its connection to broader agencies beyond core state apparatuses, and their effect on the advent of an integral state formation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 156
Author(s):  
Verdinand Robertua Siahaan

AbstrakKolaborasi perusahaan multinasional, organisasi masyarakat sipil dan pemerintah sangat penting untuk melaksanakan pembangunan berkelanjutan. Munculnya inisiatif multi-stakeholder dianggap sebagai solusi untuk membawa pelaku yang berbeda bekerja sama dalam melindungi lingkungan dan pengelolaan pembangunan. Namun, kritikus berpendapat bahwa MSIs mengalami kekurangan akuntabilitas, legitimasi dan efektivitas. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan English School Theory (EST) untuk mengatasi perdebatan dengan menggunakan studi kasus tahun 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) atau konferensi Johannesburg. Pertanyaan penelitian ini adalah bagaimana memahami MSIs untuk pembangunan berkelanjutan menggunakan EST. Artikel ini menggunakan kerangka kerja konseptual untuk mengevaluasi legitimasi, efektivitas dan akuntabilitas MSIs untuk pembangunan berkelanjutan.Kata kunci : korporasi multinasional, multi-stakeholder initiative AbstractCollaboration of multinational corporation, civil society organizations and governments is critical in implementing sustainable development. Emergence of multi-stakeholder initiatives is considered as a solution to bring different actors work together in protecting environment and managing development. However, the critics argue that MSIs are lack of accountability, legitimacy and effectiveness. This research will use English School Theory (EST) to address this debate with the case study of 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) or Johannesburg conference. The research question is on how to understand MSIs for sustainable development using EST. This article advances a conceptual framework for evaluating the legitimacy, effectiveness and accountability of MSIs for sustainable development.Keywords : multinational corporation, multi-stakeholder initiative


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter provides a conceptual framework to understand the role of origin countries in offering programs focused on social assistance for their migrant populations in other countries. It examines the literature on diaspora policies and immigrant integration, identifying some of the gaps as well as opportunities to put these concepts and policies in conversation considering migrants’ access to social rights. It proposes that a transnational approach to issues of integration offers new ways to understand the processes through which it takes place—particularly considering precarious status migrants—as well as the various actors that participate, including origin-country governments, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), civil society on both sides of the border, and government institutions in the destination country. This chapter also discusses a transnational methodology for the study of diaspora institutions, specifically consulates.


Author(s):  
Kjersti Lohne

The chapter introduces the research aims, conceptual framework, and methodology of the book. Departing from the story of the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) as a global civil society achievement, and previous research into how global and local civil society disagreed on their support for the ICC’s intervention into the conflict in northern Uganda (where the latter pointed to how it jeopardized ongoing peace talks) the chapter lays out the central aim of the book: to explore how the role of international human rights NGOs in international criminal justice yields empirical insight into the meaning of punishment at the global level of analysis. It identifies three separate yet interrelated sets of analytic questions guiding the inquiry: (i) What are the roles of NGOs in international criminal justice? (ii) What characterizes punishment ‘gone global’? and (iii) How is international criminal justice constituted by and of ‘the global’? The chapter situates the analysis through a brief background section on the development and institutions of international criminal justice, and contextualizes the ICC’s intervention in Uganda. It delineates the theoretical orientations for the study’s conceptual framework and contribution to a sociology of punishment for international criminal justice, drawing on a range of literatures across criminology, sociology, international relations, and international law. It then describes the organization of the book and its relation to the research strategy, before addressing the study’s methodology of a multi-sited network ethnography, its empirical data, and ethical considerations.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter presents a conceptual framework for ideas about Islamic civil society and explores the meaning of civil society to Islamists themselves. An Islamic civil society does not differ in certain ways from a non-Islamic or secular civil society but embraces some of the same values (e.g., civility, tolerance) and roles (e.g., independent entities compensating for the deficiencies of the state). Another prominent theme is that Islam, both as a religion and as an expression of cultural identity, should not be relegated solely to the private sphere but should also be situated squarely in the public sphere. A third theme stressed compatibility between Islam and civil society, arguing that Islam contains all the requisite elements to form a civil society and that traditional Islamic society was indeed a version of civil society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 270-277
Author(s):  
Silvan Mandolessi

This book fills an important gap on research devoted to disappearances in democratic contexts. It connects present-day disappearances with ‘classic’ disappearances committed during Latin America’s past authoritarian regimes and armed conflicts. Through its conceptual framework, case studies and description of ‘tools,’ the book applies knowledge of the region’s past to explain today’s violations. The editors emphasise the continuities in the practice of disappearances between both periods, including its clandestine nature, its targeting of 'disposable' populations, its links to the political economy of development; and its utility in establishing social control through ambiguous loss. The book also urges a rethinking of the state’s responsibility for disappearances under international law. Instead of allowing states to deny accountability for disappearances by private actors, the book argues that, in contexts of impunity and generalized violence, the state’s failure to search or to investigate is enough to prove acquiescence. The book provides an insightful and multidimensional picture of the phenomenon, significantly contributing to an enhanced understanding of the multiple ways in which disappearances continue to occur in democratic countries. It also offers a toolbox of best practices for civil society actors who continue to fight against disappearances, in Latin America and beyond.


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