scholarly journals The Coevolution of Media and Politics in Taiwan: Implications for Political Communications

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sullivan

Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on election campaigning, social movements, and other modes of political communication. It demonstrates how a new system of coevolving media, civil society, and political spheres is taking shape, characterised by complexity, heterogeneity, interdependence, and transition.

2019 ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Joakim Palme ◽  
Martin Ruhs ◽  
Kristof Tamas

Based on the conceptual framework of the three-way relationships between research, public debates, and policy-making, this chapter identifies key insights and lessons that can be learnt from the diversity of national and international experiences discussed in the previous chapters. The chapter draws on the theoretical analyses and case studies to make a number of recommendations for researchers, policy practitioners, and other participants in public debates to help strengthen the links between them. We argue that when linking research to public debates and policy-making on integration and migration, actors need to recognize different national and institutional contexts in order to be effective. Engaging the media carefully and strategically is critical for success. Where research is conducted in response to specific policy questions, it is critical for the credibility and impact of the research that it remains independent. When the different actors contributing to research, public debates, and policy-making understand and appreciate each other’s constraints, such common understandings can pave the way for improved policy-making processes and better public policies that deal more effectively with the real challenges of migration and integration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Malachy Ryan

Keywords: Agenda Setting, Informational Politics, Frames Analysis, Network Theory, Political Communication, Policy Formation This dissertation examines the contemporary relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011. The research project tests Savoie's thesis that the centralization of power has grown with the increasing size of the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and that the leader of the office has most clearly exerted that power in controlling the government's agenda by applying it to the experience of minority government at the dawn of the 21st century. To test his thesis, textual analyses of the PMO's agenda-setting documents were conducted to identify the key language, frames, and controlled policy announcements that were reflected within the political discourse. How does the discourse represent and reflect the shift in power in a dramatically changed political environment when, at least in theory, a minority government would be at the mercy of opposition parties who hold the balance of power? From 2006 to 2011, the Harper Conservatives stayed in power by cleverly manipulating the agenda through framing and reframing issues to their advantage. The prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies. Harper has often been identified as a shrewd strategist by academics and the media alike, but how different were his agenda-setting techniques compared to previous minority government strategies? This research identifies the communication tactics that the PMO used in 2006 to ensure its unique five key policy frames of “accountability”, “child care tax credits”, “cutting the GST”, “patient wait time guarantees”, and “tough on crime” were consistently delivered and coordinated across media in their platforms, websites, speeches, and outlays. The Harper Conservatives’ new strategies included narrowing agendas, promoting wedge issues, priming voters using distracter frames, and using strict media communication protocols to attract popular support from the key segment of middle class families. Using these tactics, the government set the agenda on the dismantling of the firearms registry, framed the skills and motivations of two opposition leaders as ineffective and weak with attack advertisements, and sold the illusion that coalition governments were undemocratic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Walter ◽  
Zareh Ghazarian

Political communication and citizen engagement have been impacted by crises in both political parties and conventional media models. This article contends that the confluence of these crises has been insufficiently understood, and that this lack of understanding depends upon a third element: the dissolution of a ‘holding culture’, a sense of the ‘rules of the game’ that has constituted the ground on which parties and the media operated and generated the imaginative space for constituting community. This dissolution might be represented as resistance to a now discredited political class, once constituted by ‘old’ political and media elites, and promising a new culture – with the potential for parties to be more responsive to ‘the people’, and for a more diversified and representative media. By looking at case studies of leadership insurgency in parties and the impact of new media in creating the discursive conditions for their emergence, this article explores the realities in relation to political communication and democratic engagement.


Politics ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Savigny

In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterised by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media. The presentation of information for debate becomes distorted. The opinion of the ‘public’ is no longer created through deliberation, but is constructed through systems of communication, in conflict with political actors, who seek to retain control of the dissemination of information. The expansion of the internet as a new method of communication provides a potential challenge to the primacy of the traditional media and political parties as formers of public opinion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


Author(s):  
Vira Burdjak

Political communication between the authorities and the opposition within the multi-party system of the modern Republic of Bulgaria, in terms of social and functional values, supports the mobilization of intellectual potential, social energy and initiatives of both individual citizens and various social organizations, groups, while accelerating and deepening further development of society as a whole. The article presents the objective identification of political communication, specific features of public speeches and a double-natured projection of political speeches in the vertical perspective of “power - opposition”. While positioning Bulgaria by the criterion of the democracy degree in the communication between the authorities and the opposition, we should take into account the amplitude differences: the peculiarities of the transition of Bulgaria after 1989, political configuration (the influence of the two-party system), the specifics of the political confrontation of the communicative process, which reveals their intransigence and difference in the positions. The specific confrontation between the main political actors (SDS and BSP) has been developing by the very destructive axis of “democracy – communism”. The eight-year activity of the coalition government of SDS (20012009) has led to an extreme expansion. Its intensity has been somewhat leveled by the ideological identity, but still it couldn’t soften the communicative confrontation between the authorities and the opposition. The activities of the three governmental offices of the GERD Party and Prime Minister’s B. Borisov office since 2009 have clearly highlighted the new differences in communicative with the opposition, provoking systemic intransigence. The authorities’ resistance to the opposition sometimes borders on arrogance. This creates a closed circle in which the authorities and the opposition wait for each other’s actions to quickly react to the miscalculations of the enemy in the media space, to compromise in order to set the new rules.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Devy Dhian Cahyati ◽  
Desiana Rizka Fimmastuti ◽  
Norin Mustika Rahadiri Abheseka

Strengthening democracy in Indonesia provides an opportunity for women to involve informal politics. This condition is not only to show women's abilities but also to mainstream gender issues in public policy. This article explores cases of Rita Widyasari as Regent in Kutai Kartanegara and Yasti Soepredjo Mokoagow as Regent of Bolaang Mongondow to understand how they build political linkage in a local context. In this research, we use a qualitative method to gather deep information about women leaders and their linkage. The research shows that their success can not be separated from their ability to build and maintain the networks with various actors in the region, such as economic actors, civil society, and political actors. Although Rita and Yasti use a different pattern to build a local network, this research indicates that political linkage becomes one of the important points to establish women political career.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-453
Author(s):  
Ashari Sakti Alim ◽  
Dian Eka Rahmawati

Abstract This paper wants to analyze how Anies Baswedan conveyed his political communication on Twitter social media. In this contemporary era, one of the most dominant political communications is social media, where political communication plays an important role because it can have an impact on political participation, political socialization. In the political field the role of social media is very important because it contributes as openness and transparency, Anies Baswedan is one of the political actors who play social media Twitter to convey political communication while increasing its popularity. In accordance with its previous political promises of integrated transportation and ok oce program. Anies is not uncommon to convey and show the development of political promises that have been running on his Twitter social media. in disseminating information through social media Twitter has proven to be very effective because many users around the world. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods and analyzes using the help of NVIVO12 Plus software applications. The results of this study revealed that Anies Baswedan's political communication on Twitter social media was very focused on public services in DKI Jakarta. Political communication from Anies Baswedan also received a lot of responses from his followers on his Twitter account. This can be seen from the number of retweets and mentions done to Anies Baswedan. Anies Baswedan was also quite active in conveying his political communication through Twitter social media such as notifying work programs, political branding, giving political talks that were light in nature and also related to public services in DKI Jakarta. Keywords : Political Communication, Anies Baswedan, Social Media, Twitter Abstrak Tulisan ini ingin menganalisis bagaimana Anies Baswedan dalam menyampaikan komunikasi politiknya di sosial media Twitter. Pada era kontemporer ini salah satu komunikasi politik yang paling dominan adalah media sosial, dimana komunikasi politik sangat memegang peranan penting karena bisa berdampak untuk partisipasi politik, sosialisasi politik. Dalam bidang politik peran media sosial media sangat penting karena berkontribusi sebagai keterbukaan dan transparansi, Anies Baswedan adalah salah satu aktor politik yang bermain sosial media Twitter untuk menyampaikan komunikasi politik sekaligus menaikan popularitasnya. Sesuai dengan janji politiknya terdahulu yaitu transportasi terintegrasi dan program oke oce. Anies tak jarang menyampaikan dan memperlihatkan perkembangan janji politiknya yang telah berjalan di sosial media Twitter miliknya. dalam penyebaran informasi melalui sosial media Twitter sudah terbukti sangat efektif karena banyak penggunanya diseluruh dunia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dan melakukan analisis dengan menggunakan bantuan aplikasi perangkat lunak NVIVO12 Plus. Hasil dari ini penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa komunikasi politik Anies Baswedan di sosial media Twitter sangat befokus pada pelayanan publik di DKI Jakarta. Komunikasi politik dari Anies Baswedan juga mendapatkan banyak respon dari pengikutnya di akun Twitter hal ini dapat dilihat dari jumlah Retweet dan mentions yng dilakukan kepada Anies Baswedan. Anies Baswedan juga cukup aktif dalam menyampaikan komunikasi politiknya melalui sosial media Twitter seperti memberitahukan program kerja, Branding politik, memberikan perbincangan politik yang sifatnya ringan dan juga terkait dengan pelayanan publik di DKI Jakarta. Kata Kunci : Komunikasi Politik, Anies Baswedan, Sosial Media, Twitter


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document