Opposition Movements and Opposition Parties: Equal Partners or Dependent Relations in the Struggle for Power and Reform?

1995 ◽  
pp. 105-118
1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Clapham

AT THE START OF THE 1990S, THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF opposition movements in tropical Africa was dramatically transformed. Prior to 1990, in only a minimal number of states had legally tolerated opposition parties even been permitted, while in no case had any opposition party been able to assume power after defeating the incumbent government at the polls. Within a few years, multi-party systems were introduced within almost all African states, while several opposition parties achieved the ultimate test of gaining state power by electoral means. At first sight, at least, opposition in Africa had undergone a radical shift, bringing the continent into line with a movement towards multi-party electoral political systems that was taking place throughout the world.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. 524.3-525
Author(s):  
M. Patanè ◽  
L. Carmisciano ◽  
E. Hysa ◽  
E. Gotelli ◽  
A. Signori ◽  
...  

Background:Rheumatoid arthritis (RA) is a long-term, progressive, and disabling autoimmune disease1. The disease activity can be quantified by the Disease Activity Score 28-joint count – C reactive protein (DAS28crp)2; the evaluation of disability function (DF) is actually mainly performed only by subjective Patient Reported Outcomes (PROs) like Health Assessment Questionnaire (HAQ)3; to investigate the functional aspects of RA hands it is usually used the grip strength (GS)4. However, in the scientific literature no tool, which objectively evaluates movement speed, has been reported. The Hand Test System (HTS, ETT) is an engineered glove (RAGLOVE), nowadays applied for neuroscience studies to evaluate hand motility5Objectives:To objectively evaluate the RA hand’s speed of the fine movements, through the HTS and to compared with a group of age and sex matched healthy controls. To verify the correspondence with the HAQ, DAS28, GS.Methods:55 consecutives RA patients (pts) (6 males, age 61 ± 16 years, mean duration of disease 12 ± 8 years), classified according to 2010 ACR/EULAR criteria6, and 50 matched healthy controls (HCs) were enrolled. After consent, all participants undergone HTS test that recognizes the touches between the finger tips during the opposition movements of the hands in standard sequences of movements, after dressed the glove. A multiple finger evaluation (MFE) and a single finger evaluation (SFE) were performed using a dedicated software that provided the physician the following quantitative parameters: Touch Duration (TD), Inter Tapping Interval (ITI) and Movement Rate (MR). Average time for hand 2 minutes. RA pts compiled the HAQ, performed the GS and a DAS28cpr was performed.The student’s t-test was used to compare the glove’s parameters between the groups whereas the analysis of variance (ANOVA) was utilized to verify potential differences between the populations. In order to evaluate the single correlations, the r and p values of Pearson were employed.Results:For MFE, glove parameters TD and ITI were significantly higher in RA pts than HCs, whereas; MR was significantly lower in RA pts compared to HCs (all p <0.001).For SFE non-affected fingers (not swollen and not tender) of RA pts performed better than a clinically affected fingers, but in any case significantly worse than average HCs fingers (p < 0.001).There is a statistically significant correlation between the GS and MR (r= 0.39 p=0.003) and TD (r=-0.33 p=0.015).TD, ITI e MR of RA pts showed a significant correlation with the total score of the HAQ (r = 0.56, r = 0.39, r = -0.56, all p < 0.001;). DAS28, considered as a continuous variable, proved to be significantly correlated with the TD (r = 0.36, p = 0.009). When the RA patients were grouped according to the disease activity by DAS28cpr7, there was an increase of one third of the TD’s logarithm for each increase in the activity class (linear regression with ordinal predictors, beta = 0.33; 95%CI 0.03, 0.63,p < 0.0297). Finally, even RA pts in remission showed a TD significantly higher compared with HCs (p= 0.034).Conclusion:The RAGLOVE is shown as a new safe and fast tool to evaluate a new objective parameter in the hand’s functionality: the speed of finger movements. In RA pts, an inversely proportional correlation emerges between the speed of movement and disease activity.The significant correlation found with HAQ, highlights the loss of motility of the hands as one of the main determinant of disability. The RAGLOVE is now tested in RA patients undergoing treatment.References:[1]Hakkinen et al Ann Rheum Dis. 2005;[2]Van Der Heijde et al J of Rheum. 1993;[3]Fries et al Arthritis Rheum. 1980;[4]Mathiowetz et al J Hand Surg Am. 1984;[5]Carmisciano et al Eur J Neurol. 2020;[6]Aletaha et al. Ann Rheum Dis. 2010;[7]Aletaha et al Arthritis Rheum 2005.Disclosure of Interests:None declared


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 666-682
Author(s):  
Joseph Oti Frimpong

Supplementing literature study with in-depth unstructured interviews from the two dominant political parties in Ghana on how they mobilize funds, the key argument of this article is that the loss of a presidential election in Ghana is a reduction in a party’s major income streams. Unlike other studies that look at incumbency advantage in party funding from the angle of governments’ policies that weaken the opposition parties, this article analyses incumbency from their sources of funds. It fulfils two major objectives of identifying the sources of funds of political parties and establishing the link between these sources and incumbency.


2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Nalepa

How can outgoing autocrats enforce promises of amnesty once they have left power? Why would incoming opposition parties honor their prior promises of amnesty once they have assumed power and face no independent mechanisms of enforcement? In 1989 autocrats in a number of communist countries offered their respective oppositions free elections in exchange for promises of amnesty. The communists' decision appears irrational given the lack of institutions to enforce these promises of amnesty. What is further puzzling is that the former opposition parties that won elections in many countries actually refrained from implementing transitional justice measures. Their decision to honor their prior agreements to grant amnesty seems as irrational as the autocrats' decisions to place themselves at the mercy of their opponents. Using an analytic narrative approach, the author explains this paradox by modeling pacted transitions not as simple commitment problems but as games of incomplete information where the uninformed party has “skeletons in its closet”—that is, embarrassing information that provides insurance against the commitments being broken. The author identifies the conditions under which autocrats step down even though they can be punished with transitional justice and illustrates the results with case studies from Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary.


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Chernobrov

Accusations of treason and disloyalty have been increasingly visible in both western and international politics in recent years, from Russia and Turkey, to Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. This article explores ‘traitor’ accusations in modern politics, with evidence from British and American newspapers for 2011–2016. Besides British and American politics, results reveal reported ‘fifth column’ accusations in over 40 countries. I identify three dominant patterns: authoritarian states describing opposition movements as a ‘fifth column’; suspicion of western Muslim populations as potential terrorists; and the use of traitor language to denote party dissent in western politics. Employed across the political spectrum, and not only by right-wing or populist movements, accusations of treason and betrayal point at a deeper breakdown of social trust and communicate collective securitizing responses to perceived threats.


2001 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Giliomee ◽  
James Myburgh ◽  
Lawrence Schlemmer

Author(s):  
Steven Feldstein

This book documents the rise of digital repression—how governments are deploying new technologies to counter dissent, maintain political control, and ensure regime survival. The emergence of varied digital technologies is bringing new dimensions to political repression. At its core, the expanding use of digital repression reflects a fairly simple motivation: states are seeking and finding new ways to control, manipulate, surveil, or disrupt real or perceived threats. This book investigates the goals, motivations, and drivers of digital repression. It presents case studies in Thailand, the Philippines, and Ethiopia, highlighting how governments pursue digital strategies based on a range of factors: ongoing levels of repression, leadership, state capacity, and technological development. But a basic political motive—how to preserve and sustain political incumbency—remains a principal explanation for their use. The international community is already seeing glimpses of what the frontiers of repression look like, such as in China, where authorities have brought together mass surveillance, online censorship, DNA collection, and artificial intelligence to enforce their rule in Xinjiang. Many of these trends are going global. This has major implications for democratic governments and civil society activists around the world. The book also presents innovative ideas and strategies for civil society and opposition movements to respond to the digital autocratic wave.


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