The New Children’s Charter (London: Independent Labour Party and Fabian Society, 1912), 3, 6–20

2020 ◽  
pp. 307-319
Author(s):  
C.M. Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Fabian Society

scholarly journals George Lansbury and the Middlesbrough Election of 1906

1973 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Purdue
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
National Level ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Political Machine ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fabian Society

The different elements which came together to form the Labour Representation Committee in February 1900 were, when it came to party organisation, at once its strength and its weakness. Labour was not in the position of a totally new political party having to build up a political machine from scratch, rather the LRC was able to utilise and build upon existing organisations: these were the Independent Labour Party, the Fabian Society, those trade unions which supported the LRC, and trades councils throughout the country (the Social Democratic Federation disaffiliated from the LRC after little more than a year's membership). At both a local and a national level, however, these organisations were often hostile to each other, jealous of their independence and suspicious of attempts by the LRC Executive to control them.

The British Labour Party: The Conflict Between Socialist Ideals and Practical Politics between the Wars

1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Lyman
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
British Labour ◽  
History Of ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Contrasting View ◽  
War Aims ◽  
Post War ◽  
Fabian Society

The purpose of this paper is to set forth, somewhat arbitrarily, a composite view of the British Labour Party's history between the Wars, to be labelled the orthodox Labour interpretation, and then to set against it a contrasting view which has been expressed by several left-wing writers within the Labour Party. This examination of conflicting opinions can scarcely be dignified with the title historiographical inquiry. In the first place, there are other more or less coherent interpretations of Labour Party history in this period besides the two sketched herein, most notably a Communist view, expressed in such works as Allen Hutt's The Post-War History of the British Working Class. Secondly, as Stephen Graubard has recently said in relation to the Fabian Society, much of the Labour Party history in this period is in fact autobiography. Finally, as will soon become distressingly apparent, the interpretations that most writers have given of Labour between the Wars have been influenced by, connected with, even in some cases identical to the same authors' views on Labour today. History used to be called “past politics”; in this case it cannot entirely escape becoming “present politics.”According to the orthodox view, the Labour Party was emerging from its infancy in the 1920s, having established its claim to be considered a major contestant for power as recently as 1918. As Francis Williams puts it:With the acceptance of the new constitution and the endorsement of the international policy contained in the Memorandum on War Aims and the domestic programme contained in Labour and the New Social Order, the Labour Party finally established itself. The formative years were ended. Now at last it was an adult party certain of its own purpose; aware also at last of what it must do to impress that purpose upon the nation.

The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902

1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bevir
Keyword(s):  
Religious Belief ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Fugitive Slaves ◽  
Local Labour ◽  
History Of ◽  
Edward Carpenter ◽  
Church Service ◽  
Fabian Society ◽  
Religious Aspect

Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.

The Fabian Society and the British Labour Party

1958 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Josephine Fishel Milburn
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Fabian Society

‘The greatest democratic force British politics have known’ – Labour Cohesion and the War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Swift
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Women's Groups ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Broad View ◽  
Women’S Groups ◽  
Fabian Society

This final chapter is concerned with the continued cohesion of the labour movement during and after the war. It takes a broad view of all of the various organisations which could be said to compose the British Left at the time of the war: the Labour party itself; the roughly one thousand trade unions in different groups and associations; various women’s groups which, while not necessarily sympathetic with all of Labour’s policies, sometimes co-operated on franchise reform; the three-million strong Co-operative movement, consisting of the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative Union; and the socialist societies such as the British Socialist party, the Fabian Society and the Independent Labour party. Finally, the war created a great impetus for an ultra-patriotic secession from the labour movement, or even of a nationalistic coup within labour; the failure of this movement is analysed within this chapter.

The Party Connection: Divergence and Convergence in the British Labour Movement

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-484
Author(s):  
Lewis Minkin
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Central Feature ◽  
Society Meeting ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Fabian Society

The consultations which led to the Social Contract of 1973 are understood to have been initiated as a result of a proposal by Jack Jones made to a Fabian Society meeting held at the 1971 Labour Party Conference. At that meeting Jones told the story of a man who having completed fifty years of marriage was asked if he had ever contemplated divorce. He replied, ‘Divorce—never. Murder—often’.In the past two decades the relationship between the unions and the labour party — the central feature of labour politics in Britain — has undergone some remarkable changes. It has passed through severe crisis: reinforcing tensions which built up in the 1960s became so great at the end of the decade that the alliance appeared ‘threatened as never before’. One scholar of labour movement politics suggested at the time that there might be a life-span to ‘Labour’ parties. To the Left of the Labour Party some revolutionary critics looked to a militant union break with ‘the immense contradiction’. To the Right of the Labour Party some social democratic critics looked to a realignment which would facilitate the emergence of a new radical centre party.

Shaw, George Bernard (1856–1950)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Switzky
Keyword(s):  
Nobel Prize ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
George Bernard Shaw ◽  
Modern Drama ◽  
Political Theorist ◽  
Academy Award ◽  
Bernard Shaw ◽  
Fabian Society

George Bernard Shaw was an Irish playwright, music and drama critic, and political theorist who pioneered the play of ideas as a dramatic genre, was instrumental in the formation of the Labour Party in England, and remains the only person to have won both the Nobel Prize for Literature (1925) and an Academy Award (1938, Best Adapted Screenplay, Pygmalion). The intellectual and social seriousness of his ideas, his effusive, literary dialogue, and his invention of new genres such as the discussion play were pivotal contributions to the modernization of drama. Born into a Protestant family in Dublin, Shaw moved to London in 1876 and began ghost-writing a music column for The Hornet while also pursuing an unpromising career as a novelist and becoming involved with the Fabian Society, a British socialist organization that promoted a gradualist rather than revolutionary approach to social reform. In The Quintessence of Ibsenism, initially delivered to the Fabians as a lecture in 1891, Shaw articulated his nascent dramaturgical principles. He argued that Ibsen’s most important contribution to the development of modern drama was replacing the violent catastrophes of melodrama with discussion scenes in which characters sat down and talked about intractable social problems. Shaw’s views about modern drama were put into practice in his first three plays: Widowers’ Houses (1892), about slum landlordism, The Philanderer (1893), about divorce, and Mrs. Warren’s Profession (1893), about prostitution.

scholarly journals The McMillan Sisters, The Roots of the Open-Nursery, and Breaking the Cycle of Poverty

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Betty Liebovich
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
School Meals ◽  
Dental Clinics ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Cycle Of Poverty ◽  
Fabian Society

This article explores the impetus and motivation for the McMillan sisters, Christian Socialists committed to creating change for the working class in England, to create an innovative and enduring ideal of nursery education through the open-air nursery. Influenced by their membership in the Fabian Society and the Independent Labour Party, they created health and dental clinics for people living in deprivation in Yorkshire and East and South East London, England, campaigned for the 1906 Provision of School Meals Act, and created night camps for deprived children in Deptford in 1908.The night camps were the inspiration for educating young children and in March 1914, the open-air nursery opened for the youngest children living in the tenements of Deptford.Using archival methods, the conclusion is reached that the McMillan sisters, and Margaret specifically, worked tirelessly to create social change through the open-air nursery serving the deprived surrounding community. By modelling good practice, both educationally and hygienically, they hoped to make a difference in the lives of families stuck in a cycle of poverty. The enduring work and ideas formulated in this nursery has informed many initiatives focused upon reducing social disadvantage, to include the UK framework ‘Every Child Matters’.

The Fabian Society and Africa

1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-131
Author(s):  
Jill Boswell
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
The World ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Fabian Society ◽  
Source Of Information

In 1940 the Fabian Society (founded in 1883) set up a Colonial Bureau, whose aim was to plan—and to agitate—for the liberation of Britain's colonies. Under the very able control of Dr Rita Hinden, the Bureau established a library and a press-cutting service, and became a recognised source of information and propaganda about the colonies. A battery of parliamentary questions was maintained, and many debates on colonial issues were based, on the Labour Party side, on material provided by Rita Hinden and her colleagues, and their contacts throughout Britain and the world.

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