Political culture and Social Democratic administration *

2018 ◽  
pp. 207-219
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siphamandla Zondi

Mauritius has cast herself as an outlier on the African political landscape, having hosted peaceful, free and fair elections since the advent of independence in 1968 without fail. The island state of Mauritius, which lies over 2000km off the coast of East Africa, boasts a multiplicity of political parties which have added to the vibrancy of political culture in that country. Election season tends to be a hotly contested period in which various political parties, by virtue of their claims as custodians of collective and national centre left interests, jostle one another for dominance under the banner of pro-poor development. This essay considers Mauritius’ status as a social democratic welfare state by drawing the relation between the country’s competitive political culture and development successes against the backdrop of its democratic election experiences from 1968 to 2005. While election outcomes elsewhere on the continent tend to reflect the maturity of democratic spaces in which political spaces exist, in Mauritius they continue to serve as a litmus test to ascertain the level of commitment to the social cause by the ruling incumbents and aspirants alike.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 / 2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Enoch

The release of Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine has popularized the notion that neoliberalism has relied on the rhetoric of crisis and emergency to persuade citizens to accept its economic dictates. How then does one “sell” the neoliberal vision when there can be no recourse to crisis rhetoric, particularly to a population steeped in a social democratic political culture? It is this question that this essay attempts to resolve by investigating the discourse of the “New Saskatchewan” that has been a favourite and recurrent meme of the Saskatchewan Party since the 2003 electoral campaign. This paper will argue that rather than relying on the rhetoric of crisis, the “New Saskatchewan” puts forward a discourse of prosperity that promises to unleash the full economic potential of the province through neoliberal economic policy. Moreover, the “New Saskatchewan” (NS) discourse has been specifically tailored to advance this neoliberal project in Saskatchewan by taking special care to address the local specificities unique to the politics of the province, while drawing upon historical narratives and themes that have been emblematic of Saskatchewan political history. La parution du livre The Shock Doctrine par Naomi Klein a popularisé l’idée que le néolibéralisme dépend d’une rhétorique de crise et d’urgence afin de persuader les citoyens d’accepter ses préceptes économiques. Comment peut-on vendre la vision néolibérale lorsqu’on ne peut pas recourir à une rhétorique de crise, en particulier vis-à-vis d’une population imprégnée d’une culture politique social-démocrate? Cet article s’adresse à cette question en examinant le discours de la Nouvelle Saskatchewan qui a été un mème favori et récurrent du parti Saskatchewanais depuis la campagne électorale de 2003. Cet article soutient que, plutôt que de se baser sur une rhétorique de crise, la Nouvelle Saskatchewan propose un discours de prospérité en promettant de déclencher le potentiel économique de la province par l’entremise d’une politique économique néo-libérale. Qui plus est, le discours de la Nouvelle Saskatchewan (NS) a été spécifiquement ajusté pour avancer le projet néo-libéral en Saskatchewan en abordant le caractère unique de la politique de la province, tout en puisant dans les récits historiques et thèmes qui ont été emblématiques de l’histoire politique de la Saskatchewan.


2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Smilde

AbstractVenezuelan Evangelicals' responses to candidates in that country's 1998 presidential election seem to confirm the view that their political culture is inconsistent, contradictory, and paradoxical. Not only were they just as likely to support nationalist ex–coup leader Hugo Chávez as was the larger population, they also rejected Venezuela's one Evangelical party when it made a clientelist pact with the infamous candidate of Venezuela's discredited Social Democratic party. This article uses concepts from recent cultural theory to analyze qualitative data from these two cases and make sense of the contradictory nature of Evangelical politics.


Telos ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 1982 (53) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
V. Gransow ◽  
C. Offe

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Chris Fulmer

The purpose of this paper is to trace the assent of the Saskatchewan Party and examine their current success in the province that has been historically hostile to conservative parties of any iteration. Saskatchewan’s “Natural Governing Party” has long been considered the NDP, and the province’s political culture has been long entrenched with a social democratic lean. This paper builds on and applies the work of Dr Jared Wesley and Michael Moyes in “Selling Social Democracy: Branding the Political Left in Canada” to the context of Saskatchewan and the Sask Party. This paper looks at the tactics and success of political branding and shows how the Sask Party used many of the same branding techniques traditionally used by left wing parties all across the country to great success.


Author(s):  
Hilbourne A. Watson

This chapter argues that the Grenada Revolution did not meet the requirements for a social revolution with a working class character. Grenada, like most other Caribbean societies, simply lacked the foundation—material and otherwise—to build socialism, as there did not exist the deep inner structures of capital in science, technology, industry, finance, production and labor to achieve and/or sustain a social revolution. The crisis and collapse of the “Grenada Revolution” and the roles played by the “Grenada revolutionaries” relative to how they attempted to apply certain concepts from Marxism-Leninism and from Soviet ideology on the “Non-Capitalist” path to development had a great deal to do with the authoritarian political culture that survived British colonialism and imperialism through decolonization and independence. Marxism-Leninism complicated the process but was not necessary for the Grenada revolutionary experiment to collapse.


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