Social Dance

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.H. Franks
Keyword(s):  
2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-268
Author(s):  
HEDY LAW

AbstractIn 1779 Chabanon noted the potential danger inherent in gesture because it might produce instantaneous and harmful effects. This article examines how Rameau, Rousseau and Grétry incorporated putatively dangerous gestures into the pantomimes they wrote for their operas, and explains why these pantomimes matter at all. In Rameau's Pygmalion (1748), Rousseau's Le Devin du village (1752–3) and Grétry's Céphale et Procris (1773, 1775), pantomime was presented as a type of dance opposite to the conventional social dance. But the significance of this binary opposition changed drastically around 1750, in response to Rousseau's own moral philosophy developed most notably in the First Discourse (1750). Whereas the pantomimes in Rameau's Pygmalion dismiss peasants as uncultured, it is high culture that becomes the source of corruption in the pantomime of Rousseau's Le Devin du village, where uncultured peasants are praised for their morality. Grétry extended Rousseau's moral claim in the pantomime of Céphale et Procris by commending an uneducated girl who turns down sexual advances from a courtier. Central to these pantomimes are the ways in which musical syntax correlates with drama. Contrary to the predictable syntax in most social dances, these pantomimes bring to the surface syntactical anomalies that may be taken to represent moral licence: an unexpected pause, a jarring diminished-seventh chord, and a phrase in a minuet with odd-number bars communicate danger. Although social dances were still the backbone of most French operas, pantomime provided an experimental interface by which composers contested the meanings of expressive topoi; it thus emerged as a vehicle for progressive social thinking.


Author(s):  
Sherril Dodds

The introduction outlines the myriad ways in which competition impacts dance, and how dance moves through and in response to this framework of aspiration, judgment, and worth. It considers the implicit competition on the concert stage as dancers compete to secure positions in prestigious companies and choreographers hustle to attract audiences and secure funding; the one-upmanship that emerges through the informal contests of social dance practice; the ubiquity of dance competition scenarios on the popular screen; as well as formal dance competitions with judges, prizes, winners, and losers. The introduction notes how dance is embedded within a neoliberal economy that favors individual success and free-market competition; yet it also argues that models of competition exist that are community-oriented, and that dancing bodies can employ tactics of resistance or critique through moving in ways that reveal and undermine the power structures of competition.


2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. McCann ◽  
K. Goldschmitt

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Wade

American Allegory uses lindy hop—a social dance invented in the 1920s by black youth in Harlem and now practiced mostly by white dancers—to gain insight into the relationship between black and white Americans and their cultural forms. It aims to contribute to theory about how superordinate groups manipulate culture to maintain power, while also accounting for cultural change and exchange. On page 204 Hancock begins to ask sophisticated theoretical questions but, by then, it is far too late to answer them. While Hancock’s central premise is one to which I am sympathetic—that the community of primarily white people who dance lindy hop today are participating in an appropriation of black culture—he’s never able to move past his premise to a useful contribution.


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