An environmental justice perspective on the state of carbon forestry in Uganda

2018 ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
Adrian Nel ◽  
Kristen Lyons ◽  
Janet Fisher ◽  
David Mwayafu
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Brock ◽  
Nathan Stephens-Griffin

Environmental justice (EJ) activists have long worked with abolitionists in their communities, critiquing the ways policing, prisons, and pollution are entangled and racially constituted (Braz and Gilmore 2006). Yet, much EJ scholarship reflects a liberal Western focus on a more equal distribution of harms, rather than challenging the underlying systems of exploitation these harms rest upon (Álvarez and Coolsaet 2020). This article argues that policing facilitates environmentally unjust developments that are inherently harmful to nature and society. Policing helps enforce a social order rooted in the ‘securing’ of property, hierarchy, and human-nature exploitation. Examining the colonial continuities of policing, we argue that EJ must challenge the assumed necessity of policing, overcome the mythology of the state as ‘arbiter of justice’, and work to create social conditions in which policing is unnecessary. This will help open space to question other related harmful hegemonic principles. Policing drives environmental injustice, so EJ must embrace abolition.


Author(s):  
Daniel Butt

This chapter examines the limitations of both command-and-control and market-based legal mechanisms in the pursuit of environmental justice. If the environment is to be protected to at least a minimally acceptable degree, approaches that focus on the coercive force of the state must be complemented by the development of an “ecological ethos,” whereby groups and individuals are motivated to act with non-self-interested concern for the environment. The need for this ethos means that the state is dependent on the cooperation of a wide range of non-state actors. Recent work on environmental governance emphasizes the delegation of aspects of governing to such actors and supports efforts to increase popular participation in governmental processes. The chapter therefore advocates a governance approach that seeks to rectify some of the limitations of state-led environmental law, while encouraging popular participation in a way that can encourage the development of an ecological ethos among the citizenry.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 440-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Karner ◽  
Jonathan London ◽  
Dana Rowangould ◽  
Kevin Manaugh

Transportation policies, plans, and projects all flow through state institutions because of the substantial cost of infrastructure and the need to assess transportation system performance, including equity implications. But environmental justice scholarship interrogates the state’s role in perpetuating injustice. Most research and planning practice related to transportation equity has relied upon state-sponsored analytical methods. Transportation planners and scholars can benefit from critical assessments of these approaches. We propose a shift in focus from transportation equity to a broader consideration of transportation justice that is more closely aligned with models of social change promulgated in the environmental justice literature and by related movements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Yovi Cajapa Endyka ◽  
Muhamad Muhdar ◽  
Abdul Kadir Sabaruddin

Indonesia is a country with abundant natural resources, ranging from sand. Tin, copper, coal, iron ore to gold. Therefore, the State should provide environmental justice to create reserves with wise and sustainable management of natural resources. This study uses a doctrinal method in order to answer the problem under study. This study will examine how Aristotle's distributive justice can sharpen the concept of justice for coal mining management. This study will focus on environmental justice in intra-generational terms in terms of Aristotle's distributive justice to coal mining. Protection of access (conservation of access) reflects the allocation of rights and access to natural resources balanced between different generations and fellow members of the current generation. Thus, access to protection provides fair and non-discriminatory rights for every citizen of the current generation to use environmental resources. However, in using these resources, each member of the current generation has an obligation (equitable duties) to ensure that his actions will not reduce future generations' access to these resources. The state through mining or environmental policies has not provided justice for the community, where the community accepts more risks such as social injustice, environmental and health harm from coal mining activities than receiving the benefits.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-273
Author(s):  
Paige Raibmon

AbstractThis paper interrogates the specific workings and stakes of slow violence on Indigenous ground. It argues that despite similarities with other environmental justice struggles, Indigenous ones are fundamentally distinct because of Indigenous peoples' unique relationship to the polluted or damaged entity, to the state, and to capital. It draws from Indigenous studies, history, anthropology, geography, sensory studies, and STS, to present results from research with the Mowachaht Muchalaht First Nation, an Indigenous people on the west coast of British Columbia. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, this community used successive strategies to try to render its knowledge about health, environment, and authority visible to the settler state. Each strategy entailed particular configurations of risk, perceptibility, and uncertainty; each involved translation between epistemologies; and each implicated a distinct subject position for Indigenous peoples vis-à-vis the state. The community's initial anti-colonial, environmental justice campaign attempted to translate local, Indigenous ways of knowing into the epistemologies of environmental science and public health. After this strategy failed, community leaders launched another that leveraged the state's legal epistemology. This second strategy shifted the balance of risk and uncertainty such that state actors felt compelled to act. The community achieved victory, but at a price. Where the first strategy positioned the community as a self-determined, sovereign actor; the second positioned it as a ward of the state. This outcome illustrates the costs that modern states extract from Indigenous peoples who seek remedial action, and more generally, the mechanisms through which the colonial present is (re)produced.


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