Mark Schafer and Stephen G. Walker (2006), 'Democratic Leaders and the Democratic Peace: The Operational Codes of Tony Blair and Bill Clinton', International Studies Quarterly, 50, pp. 561-83.

2017 ◽  
pp. 389-412
2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Furnham ◽  
Thomas Li-Ping Tang ◽  
David Lester ◽  
Rory O'Connor ◽  
Robert Montgomery

A total of 253 British and 318 American students were asked to make various estimates of overall intelligence as well as Gardner's (1999a) new list of 10 multiple intelligences. They made these estimations (11 in all) for themselves, their partner, and for various well-known figures such as Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, and Bill Clinton. Following previous research there were various sex and nationality differences in self-estimated IQ: Males rated themselves higher on verbal, logical, spatial, and spiritual IQ compared to females. Females rated their male partner as having lower verbal and spiritual, but higher spatial IQ than was the case when males rated their female partners. Participants considered Bill Clinton (2 points) and Prince Charles (5 points) less intelligent than themselves, but Tony Blair (5 points) and Bill Gates (15 points) more intelligent than themselves. Multiple regressions indicated that the best predictors of one's overall IQ estimates were logical, verbal, existential, and spatial IQ. Factor analysis of the 10 and then 8 self-estimated scores did not confirm Gardner's classification of multiple intelligences. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

I spent a few unseasonably hot summer days in 1996 digging around in the German Federal Archives in Koblenz for what later became a lengthy essay on Ernst Fraenkel (1898–1975), the neglected German socialist political and legal thinker. I still recall struggling to justify my efforts not simply as an historian of ideas but also as a political theorist who, at least in principle, was expected to make systematic contributions to contemporary debates. The problem was that Fraenkel had focused his acumen on investigating liberal democratic instability and German fascism, matters that did not seem directly pertinent to a political and intellectual constellation in which political scientists were celebrating democracy's “third wave.” With Tony Blair and Bill Clinton touting Third Way politics, and many former dictatorships seemingly on a secure path to liberal democracy, Fraenkel's preoccupations seemed dated. Even though Judith Shklar had noted, as late as 1989, that “anyone who thinks that fascism in one guise or another is dead and gone ought to think again,” political pundits and scholars in the mid-1990s typically assumed that capitalist liberal democracy's future was secure. When I returned to the US and described my research to colleagues, they responded, unsurprisingly, politely but without much enthusiasm.


2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Needham

The ‘permanent campaign’ is said to have reached its apogee in the incumbent communications strategies of Bill Clinton and Tony Blair. However, their assiduous courting of public opinion from within office has been used to explain both the high approval ratings of these leaders and their unpopularity for long periods of their incumbency. This apparent paradox suggests that the permanent campaign model is too blunt an instrument to usefully describe or evaluate incumbent communications. Its assumption of continuity between election campaigning and office-holding fails to explain how the strategic terrain changes once a challenger takes office. The concepts of branding and relationship marketing can be used to highlight the difference between gaining support in the one-off transaction of an election and retaining voter loyalty in a post-‘purchase’ setting. The success of Blair and Clinton in establishing a relationship with voters from within office can be assessed using six attributes of successful brands: simplicity; uniqueness; reassurance; aspiration; values; and credibility. As incumbents, facing challenges in shifting strategic and institutional environments, Blair and Clinton developed messages that were simple and appealed to voter aspirations. Voters remained sceptical about the extent to which these leaders embodied values and delivered on their promises.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 34-37
Author(s):  
Milton Jijón
Keyword(s):  

En junio 26 del año 2000, Bill Clinton y Tony Blair, entonces presidente y primer ministro de USA y Gran Bretaña, respectivamente, anunciaron el descubrimiento del genoma humano: los tres mil millones de pares de bases nitrogenadas (adenina – timina y guanina- citosina) que componen nuestro ADN. Se consideró el hecho más trascendente de la historia de la humanidad. El estudio del genoma humano se completó, sin embargo, solo en el año 2003. Su advenimiento transformó el curso de todas las ramas de las ciencias. Pero la biología, y particularmente la medicina, iban a sufrir descomunales cambios. La clonación, los seres transgénicos, el uso de células madre, los fármacos adaptados a los genes, la genética molecular, la paleogenómica son capítulos en vertiginoso avance, que van modificando la faz viviente del planeta.


Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger ◽  
Ravi K. Roy

‘Three waves of neoliberalism’ examines the three waves of neoliberalism, starting with the emergence of neoliberalism in the Anglosphere under the conservative leaderships of US President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Meanwhile, the second wave of neoliberalism became associated with a new kind of global economic and political cosmopolitanism called market globalism. Identifying themselves with a politically moderate position known as the Third Way, US President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair embraced this neoliberal ideology. US President Barack Obama's presidency marked the rise of third-wave neoliberalism by refusing to impose restrictions on the monopolistic practices of emerging e-commerce firms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1026
Author(s):  
Piki Ish-Shalom

INTERVIEW Prof. Ish-Shalom pursued his Ph.D. in Political Science and International Relations. Member of the Steering Committe of the Standing Group of International Relations (SGIR) of ECPR. He was the Director of the Leonard Davis for International relations Associate Professor (2012-15). He was a postdoctoral fellow at the International Security Program at the Belfer Center for Science and International affairs and at the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, both at Harvard University. In addition he was the Israel Institute Visiting Professor as well as a Visiting Associate Professor at Stanford University (2015-16), visiting scholar at the New School University in New York (2000-2001), at the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) (2012), and at the Institute for the Human Studies (IWM) in Vienna (2001). He is the author of Democratic Peace: A Political Biography (University of Michigan Press, 2013), as well as articles in different scholarly journals such as International Studies Quarterly, European Journal of International Relations, International Studies Review, Political Science Quarterly, and Perspectives on Politics.  


2011 ◽  
pp. 1547-1554
Author(s):  
Mary Francoli

During the last decade, the public policies of many countries have emphasized the need for greater citizen participation in decision-making, and governments have been adopting e-government strategies as a means of not only improving service delivery, but also engaging society and revitalizing democracy. Indeed, many political leaders have been advancing the democratic potential of information and communication technologies (ICTs). British Prime Minister Tony Blair, for example, has stated: “I believe that the information society can revitalize our democracy...innovative electronic media is pioneering new ways of involving people of all ages and backgrounds in citizenship through new Internet and digital technology ... that can only strengthen democracy” (Hansard Society, 2004). Similarly, former United States President Bill Clinton stated that ICTs would “give the American people the Information Age that they deserve—to cut red tape, improve the responsiveness of government toward citizens, and expand opportunities for democratic participation” (Prins, 2001, p. 79). In Canada, former Prime Minister Paul Martin also argued, along the same vein, that people need to be brought into the decision-making process if the country is to have the kind of future that it needs, indicating that ICTs are a useful means of achieving this goal (Speech to the 2003 Crossing Boundaries Conference, Ottawa Canada).


1998 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 141-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Goodin

From British debates over the 1832 New Poor Law to the near present, the notion of “desert” has long had a clear referent in discussions of social welfare policy. The designation “deserving poor” was reserved for those with legitimate grounds for not supporting themselves through paid employment. Invariably among them were the very young, the very old, and the mentally and physically very disabled—people who literally could not work for a living. Also included were various categories of people who, according to the varying conventions of the day, were socially excused from paid labor—widows in the Victorian era, students in the postwar era, and so on. Anyone who could and should work for a living but refused to do so was traditionally deemed to be among the “undeserving poor.” Those were the people whose “welfare dependency” has long been the target of welfare reformers, most recently Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair.


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