Recalling and/or Repressing German Marxism? The Case of Ernst Fraenkel

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Political Theorist ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Judith Shklar ◽  
Third Way Politics

I spent a few unseasonably hot summer days in 1996 digging around in the German Federal Archives in Koblenz for what later became a lengthy essay on Ernst Fraenkel (1898–1975), the neglected German socialist political and legal thinker. I still recall struggling to justify my efforts not simply as an historian of ideas but also as a political theorist who, at least in principle, was expected to make systematic contributions to contemporary debates. The problem was that Fraenkel had focused his acumen on investigating liberal democratic instability and German fascism, matters that did not seem directly pertinent to a political and intellectual constellation in which political scientists were celebrating democracy's “third wave.” With Tony Blair and Bill Clinton touting Third Way politics, and many former dictatorships seemingly on a secure path to liberal democracy, Fraenkel's preoccupations seemed dated. Even though Judith Shklar had noted, as late as 1989, that “anyone who thinks that fascism in one guise or another is dead and gone ought to think again,” political pundits and scholars in the mid-1990s typically assumed that capitalist liberal democracy's future was secure. When I returned to the US and described my research to colleagues, they responded, unsurprisingly, politely but without much enthusiasm.

2. Three waves of neoliberalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-51
Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger ◽  
Ravi K. Roy
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Moderate Position

‘Three waves of neoliberalism’ examines the three waves of neoliberalism, starting with the emergence of neoliberalism in the Anglosphere under the conservative leaderships of US President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Meanwhile, the second wave of neoliberalism became associated with a new kind of global economic and political cosmopolitanism called market globalism. Identifying themselves with a politically moderate position known as the Third Way, US President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair embraced this neoliberal ideology. US President Barack Obama's presidency marked the rise of third-wave neoliberalism by refusing to impose restrictions on the monopolistic practices of emerging e-commerce firms.

scholarly journals Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Arceneaux ◽  
Bert N. Bakker ◽  
Sara Hobolt ◽  
Catherine Eunice De Vries
Keyword(s):  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
People’S Attitudes ◽  
Democratic Norms

A defining feature of liberal democracy is the respect for and protection of core civil liberties. Yet, major crises, such as wars, natural disasters and pandemics, can provide a pretext to undermine liberal democratic norms. This raises questions of whether citizens are willing to support policies that violate their civil liberties in a crisis and whether some individuals are more likely to a support such encroachments. We conducted a series well-powered preregistered conjoint and vignette experiments in the US and UK during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that people’s attitudes are relatively malleable and that endorsements by an in-group party and trusted experts can shift support for measures that erode civil liberties. However, the evidence also reveals resistance to certain illiberal policy measures, including banning protests and indefinitely postponing elections. This indicates the presence of liberal democratic norms, even when partisan elites promote illiberal policies.

Australian Legal Exceptionalism and the Bill of Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Binoy Kampmark ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Specific Reference ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Australian Context ◽  
The Us

This paper provides a systematic legal and cultural overview of the reasons behind the opposition to an entrenched Bill or Charter of Rights within a special liberal democratic setting. Specific reference is made to Australia given that the country remains the last liberal democracy to resist adopting such a measure of protection for human rights. The paper further argues that Australian opposition to such a bill has assumed the category of exceptionalist rhetoric couched in a very specific socio-legal argot. A bill of rights is not needed, goes this assumption, because institutions are either reasonably functioning or self-correcting of any defects. Any legal changes made, goes such line of reasoning, should be reflected in the supreme will of Parliament, a body both sovereign and sagacious. This paper challenges such readings, suggesting that the argument against any bill of rights in the Australian context involves a core misunderstanding about what such an instrument actually does. It also identifies a fundamental parochialism, notably against the US legal tradition and instances when grave human rights abuses have been sanctioned by Parliament.

Russia may undermine East European liberal democracy

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
East European ◽  
Central Eastern Europe ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Global Concern ◽  
The Eu

Significance Although Russian influence abroad has become a global concern in light of the US election hacking scandal, Central-Eastern Europe (CEE), which Moscow has traditionally seen as a buffer between itself and the West, is perhaps the most exposed to meddling. Global interdependence and the increased haziness of boundaries make countering it difficult. Impacts Russia will spread disunity in the EU in order to have the sanctions imposed on it lifted. The moral authority of liberal democratic countries will suffer and illiberal forms of governance gain more respectability worldwide. President Vladimir Putin's power will be further entrenched if Russia becomes established as an influential player.

Estimates of Ten Multiple Intelligences

2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Furnham ◽  
Thomas Li-Ping Tang ◽  
David Lester ◽  
Rory O'Connor ◽  
Robert Montgomery
Keyword(s):  
Multiple Intelligences ◽  
Male Partner ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
The Self ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Female Partners ◽  
American Students ◽  
Bill Gates ◽  
Nationality Differences

A total of 253 British and 318 American students were asked to make various estimates of overall intelligence as well as Gardner's (1999a) new list of 10 multiple intelligences. They made these estimations (11 in all) for themselves, their partner, and for various well-known figures such as Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, and Bill Clinton. Following previous research there were various sex and nationality differences in self-estimated IQ: Males rated themselves higher on verbal, logical, spatial, and spiritual IQ compared to females. Females rated their male partner as having lower verbal and spiritual, but higher spatial IQ than was the case when males rated their female partners. Participants considered Bill Clinton (2 points) and Prince Charles (5 points) less intelligent than themselves, but Tony Blair (5 points) and Bill Gates (15 points) more intelligent than themselves. Multiple regressions indicated that the best predictors of one's overall IQ estimates were logical, verbal, existential, and spatial IQ. Factor analysis of the 10 and then 8 self-estimated scores did not confirm Gardner's classification of multiple intelligences. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.

The UK as a Third Way: The US Model with a Human Face?

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Rubery
Keyword(s):  
Human Face ◽  
Third Way ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Uk

Deterrence and Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Falkenrath
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Global War ◽  
Taking Action ◽  
The Given

This chapter examines strategy and deterrence and traces the shift from deterrence by ‘punishment’ to deterrence by ‘denial’ in Washington’s conduct of the Global War on Terror. The former rested on an assumption that the consequences of an action would serve as deterrents. The latter may carry messages of possible consequences, but these are delivered by taking action that removes the capabilities available to opponents – in the given context, the Islamist terrorists challenging the US. Both approaches rest on credibility, but are more complex in the realm of counter-terrorism, where the US authorities have no obvious ‘return to sender’ address and threats to punish have questionable credibility. In this context, denial offers a more realistic way of preventing terrorist attacks. Yet, the advanced means available to the US are deeply ethically problematic in liberal democratic societies. However, there would likely be even bigger questions if governments failed to act.

Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARASH ABIZADEH
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Public Culture ◽  
Normative Theory ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Democratic Deliberation ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Shared Norms

This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public culture (Miller, Barry); and (4) the economic viability of specifically industrialized liberal democracies requires a single national culture (Gellner). I argue that all four arguments fail: At best, a shared cultural nation may reduce some of the costs liberal democratic societies must incur; at worst, cultural nationalist policies ironically undermine social integration. The failure of these cultural nationalist arguments clears the way for a normative theory of liberal democracy in multinational and postnational contexts.

‘New’ Social Democracy before the Court of Justice

2006 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 95-114
Author(s):  
Nina Boeger
Keyword(s):  
Social Democracy ◽  
Internal Market ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Individual Choice ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Core Idea ◽  
Third Way Politics

Community law has seen some of the fiercest battles over ‘new’ social democracy and ‘Third Way’ politics. To simplify somewhat, the core idea of the Third Way is to rely on the market to provide services to the public efficiently, without however disconnecting them from certain key social values. In the Community legal order, these social policy devices invite the application of the Community’s economic jurisdiction, where public services can be classified as ‘market’ services. They frequently lead to what Joerges has labelled ‘diagonal’ conflicts between the Community’s economic law and its competence to uphold the EU Internal Market, and the Member States’ individual choice, and competence, to administer their welfare states. In ‘diagonal’ conflict situations, a single set of facts is analysed via two different ‘logics’, one following the economic perspective of the Internal Market, and the other marking the Member State’s political and social competence, where states are regularly guided by a more diffuse set of values, including public and constitutional rights, and practical political pressures. Whilst states may well invite the market into their welfare state, for example as part of a political ‘third way’ solution, the national electorate, who will ultimately hold public authorities accountable, are likely to concentrate their judgement on the realisation of substantive public service targets rather than how they have been achieved.

scholarly journals UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-65
Author(s):  
Kardo RACHED ◽  
Salam ABDULRAHMAN
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
American President ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Middle East Policy

Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.

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