2. Three waves of neoliberalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-51
Author(s):  
Manfred B. Steger ◽  
Ravi K. Roy
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Moderate Position

‘Three waves of neoliberalism’ examines the three waves of neoliberalism, starting with the emergence of neoliberalism in the Anglosphere under the conservative leaderships of US President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Meanwhile, the second wave of neoliberalism became associated with a new kind of global economic and political cosmopolitanism called market globalism. Identifying themselves with a politically moderate position known as the Third Way, US President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair embraced this neoliberal ideology. US President Barack Obama's presidency marked the rise of third-wave neoliberalism by refusing to impose restrictions on the monopolistic practices of emerging e-commerce firms.

Recalling and/or Repressing German Marxism? The Case of Ernst Fraenkel

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Political Theorist ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Judith Shklar ◽  
Third Way Politics

I spent a few unseasonably hot summer days in 1996 digging around in the German Federal Archives in Koblenz for what later became a lengthy essay on Ernst Fraenkel (1898–1975), the neglected German socialist political and legal thinker. I still recall struggling to justify my efforts not simply as an historian of ideas but also as a political theorist who, at least in principle, was expected to make systematic contributions to contemporary debates. The problem was that Fraenkel had focused his acumen on investigating liberal democratic instability and German fascism, matters that did not seem directly pertinent to a political and intellectual constellation in which political scientists were celebrating democracy's “third wave.” With Tony Blair and Bill Clinton touting Third Way politics, and many former dictatorships seemingly on a secure path to liberal democracy, Fraenkel's preoccupations seemed dated. Even though Judith Shklar had noted, as late as 1989, that “anyone who thinks that fascism in one guise or another is dead and gone ought to think again,” political pundits and scholars in the mid-1990s typically assumed that capitalist liberal democracy's future was secure. When I returned to the US and described my research to colleagues, they responded, unsurprisingly, politely but without much enthusiasm.

Third Ways in Europe?

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuliano Bonoli ◽  
Martin Powell
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Joint Paper ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
New Politics ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Uk

It has been claimed that there is a global Third Way (TW) debate. Giddens (2001: 1) writes that, ‘Across the world left of centre governments are attempting to institute third way programmes – whether or not they favour the term itself. ‘ He claims that there are self-declared third way parties in power in the UK, New Zealand, Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, among many other countries. Similarly, according to Blair (2001), the ideas associated with the TW are still the wave of the future for progressive politics. From Latin America to Europe to parts of Asia, TW politics or ‘progressive government’ is exerting a huge influence on global politics. The TW is seen as a trailblazer for a new global social policy, a new model for a new millennium (e.g. McGuire, 1998/9). One of the main blueprints for the new politics (Giddens, 1998) has been translated into many languages. A number of international meetings in Paris and Florence have discussed the TW. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder issued a joint paper, ‘The Third Way/Die Neue Mitte’ (Blair and Schröder, 1999) that was drafted by Peter Mandelson and Bodo Hombach. Hombach's book has been translated into English as ‘The New Centre’ (Hombach, 2000), with a preface by Tony Giddens and an introduction by Mark Leonard.

scholarly journals The “Third Way” and a New Left

2000 ◽  
pp. 692-704
Author(s):  
Daniel Singer
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Left ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
The Third ◽  
Anthony Giddens ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Cold War

There are fashionable terms that are at once misleading and revealing. The “third way” is one of them. There was a time when this concept had a genuine meaning. Back in the 1950s, for the so-called “revisionists” in Eastern Europe it spelled the search for democratic socialism that had nothing to do with its Stalinist perversion but was not a return to capitalism either. For some radical dissidents in the West it had the same signi?cance: it was their way of telling Moscow and Washington “a plague on both your houses” during the period of the Cold War. But that con?ict is over, the neo-Stalinist empire has collapsed and capitalism is triumphant. In its new reincarnation, the “third way” does not even envisage the dismantling of capitalism. All it proposes is to put a coat of varnish on top. As applied by its chief practitioner, the British prime minister, Tony Blair, and as interpreted by his guru, Anthony Giddens, the model has been described, unkindly though not unfairly, as that contradiction in terms—“Thatcherism with a human face.”

Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-620 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Heffernan
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The Core ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Core Executive ◽  
Actual Degree ◽  
The Government

Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive.

What We Know Now

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. G. Runciman
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Suez Canal ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Intelligence Services ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Government ◽  
The U.S

This chapter discusses the information provided by the Hutton Report and the Butler Report concerning the bases of the British government's decision to join the U.S. in overturning Saddam Hussein for his alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It suggests that nothing revealed in the reports could bring an agreement to whether British Prime Minister Tony Blair was right in his decision, but those who have read the reports could surely conclude that the government, the intelligence services, and the BBC fell short of what have been expected of them at a time when Britain was on the brink of being taken into a war. It discusses the similarities between the Iraq War and the Suez Canal conflict.

Beyond Hierarchies and Markets

2013 ◽  
Vol 647 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-165
Author(s):  
Bruce Fuller ◽  
Danfeng Soto-Vigil Koon
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Education Sector ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Public Projects ◽  
Client Choice ◽  
Past Half Century ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
Poor Children ◽  
Second Wave

The state has experimented with a range of decentralized school organizations over the past half century, in part aiming to lift poor children. This movement stems from not only neoliberal ideology but also from the earlier “Third Way” of advancing public projects—severing local organizing from the state’s bureaucratic rules, while stopping short of atomized market remedies. This article first examines the economic and institutional forces that drive civic activists to advance decentralizing remedies, especially the spread of nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and client choice in the education sector. We then detail the uneven empirical benefits of three decentralizing segments of the education sector: preschools, parental vouchers, and charter schools. Finally we move beneath surface-level governance changes to highlight how particular social relations found inside decentralized organizations at times do yield discernible, even sizable, benefits. Comparative cases reveal a second generation of decentralists, who build from the lessons of their policy ancestors. Second-wave decentralists are keenly focused on a social architecture that motivates poor children and educators.

Speaking sincerely: public reactions to the death of Diana

1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Montgomery
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Speaking ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The Public ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article explores some aspects of public speaking in the mediated public sphere by examining the verbal tributes offered by the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, by the Queen and by Earl Spencer in the aftermath of the death of Diana, Princess of Wales. It considers some of the linguistic properties of these three public utterances, but focuses mainly on the ways in which they were assessed by members of ‘the public’, in order to explore possible changes to the discursive character of the public sphere.1

scholarly journals Dutch, the Iron Lady and Latin America. The Anglo-American Special Relationship in Latin America under Reagan and Thatcher

2010 ◽  
pp. 159-163
Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
American Counterpart ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Relationship

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan made a formidable team in the international political environment of the 1980s. Their close working and indeed personal relationship shaped the future of Western European defence, facilitated the eventual fall of Communism, and brought international recognition to the Anglo-American Special Relationship. It was a testimony to a joint commitment to a renewal in transatlantic relations following a lull in the 1970s. Both leaders had vastly different personalities with Mrs. Thatcher often portrayed as Reagan’s proverbial ‘poodle’ in such satirical shows as the infamous Spitting Image. However, in reality the relationship was in many ways led by the British Prime Minister who was willing to assert her considerable influence over her American counterpart at any given opportunity. The relationship ore, was indeed ‘Special’. It went beyond the normal political protocol associated with bilateral cooperation and consultation. It was a relationship that endured many highs and lows ...

The strange case of Dr Blair and Mr Bush: Counting their words to solve a mystery

English Today ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Saraceni
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Linguistic Terms ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
War In Iraq

THE ALLIANCE between US President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair during the recent Second Gulf War has appeared anomalous to many, because they belong to ideologically very different political parties. Blair, in particular, has been accused of having betrayed some of the left-wing ideas that, historically, have characterised the Labour Party. This article seeks to understand the extent to which, at least in linguistic terms, the ideas of Blair and Bush may not be as alike as one might be tempted to believe. Two small corpora of interviews and speeches were collected over a period of some six weeks, all relating to the war in Iraq. Analysis of the corpora reveals some notable differences between Blair and Bush and also shows that certain important – and more hidden – elements of discourse escape this type of investigation and need closer scrutiny.

E-Participation and Canadian Parliamentarians

2011 ◽  
pp. 1547-1554
Author(s):  
Mary Francoli
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
American People ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Red Tape ◽  
Information And Communication

During the last decade, the public policies of many countries have emphasized the need for greater citizen participation in decision-making, and governments have been adopting e-government strategies as a means of not only improving service delivery, but also engaging society and revitalizing democracy. Indeed, many political leaders have been advancing the democratic potential of information and communication technologies (ICTs). British Prime Minister Tony Blair, for example, has stated: “I believe that the information society can revitalize our democracy...innovative electronic media is pioneering new ways of involving people of all ages and backgrounds in citizenship through new Internet and digital technology ... that can only strengthen democracy” (Hansard Society, 2004). Similarly, former United States President Bill Clinton stated that ICTs would “give the American people the Information Age that they deserve—to cut red tape, improve the responsiveness of government toward citizens, and expand opportunities for democratic participation” (Prins, 2001, p. 79). In Canada, former Prime Minister Paul Martin also argued, along the same vein, that people need to be brought into the decision-making process if the country is to have the kind of future that it needs, indicating that ICTs are a useful means of achieving this goal (Speech to the 2003 Crossing Boundaries Conference, Ottawa Canada).

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