New media, activism, and the transformative Arab political landscape

Author(s):  
Sahar Khamis
First Monday ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Maria Hoofd
Keyword(s):  

How do current technological structures change the activist landscape and its use of certain academic theories? And what, in turn, could this relationship tell us about a possible exacerbation of contemporary forms of in- and exclusion? This article will argue that the productive crossovers in the Internet between cultural new media activism and ‘high’ theory mark precisely the humanist subject’s complicity in contemporary technocratic neo-liberalism. It will do so by analyzing in detail how cultural new media activism defines itself in relation to the ‘complicit’ university with its ‘elitist’ theories, especially through these activists’ problematic perception of the Internet as a neutral realm.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (18) ◽  
pp. 26-42
Author(s):  
Nurul Hidayah Hamid ◽  
Awan Ismail

Today, new media especially social media became an important tool in human life from providing information, communication; discuss an issue to mobilize people. People can do whatever they want just by using social media every time for 24 hours and everywhere regardless of time or place. Moreover, new media either Facebook, Twitter or Youtube use by everyone including politicians these days to share their agenda, besides other methods. In India, the use of new media mainly Twitter seen play an important in Delhi General Election 2014. For example, most of the election participant such as Narendra Modi or and their parties, Bharatiya Janata Party (BPJ) seen using new media extensively in their online campaign to attract the voter. Thus, the purpose of this research is to understand the roles of new media on politic in India and how politician uses Facebook, Twitter or Youtube in their online campaign and spread out agenda. For this purpose, an in-depth interview (qualitative) was used to get the findings on the impact of new media in politics. There is few media organization staff and former worker partook in an in-depth interview. In the end, this study found that new media, of course, can affect people especially when it is being used frequently.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
David McGillivray ◽  
John Lauermann ◽  
Daniel Turner
Keyword(s):  

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Howell ◽  
Bruce Da Silva

Researchers suggest that the youth of today has disengaged from the political landscape in Australia. However, the online realm provides potential first time voters an avenue in which to engage in politics in an environment that is generally associated with a youthful demographic. New media tactics utilised during the 2007 Australian federal election aimed to not only attract youthful voters, but also to educate and deliver policy on a level generally associated with the 18-24 demographic. This study explored the effectiveness of new media in the political communication context, in particular with relation to first time voters. This research found that first time voters were not as engaged as predicted, and that the third party sites were more popular with undecided voters than the formal political party sites in voter influence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 875-893
Author(s):  
Kylie Moore-Gilbert ◽  
Zainab Abdul-Nabi

While considerable scholarly attention has focused on analysing the role and impact of new media during the Arab Spring uprisings of 2010–2011, comparatively little research has been devoted to examining how online activism has changed in response to the regime stabilisation measures undertaken by the governments which survived the unrest. Characterising the de-liberalisation policies of post–Arab Spring states as ‘authoritarian downgrading’, this article considers how the growing involvement of authoritarian regimes in online spaces is impacting activists’ use of new media technologies. Adopting Bahrain as a case study, we present the results of a survey of Bahraini political activists conducted in 2017 and consider whether activists’ perceptions of their online safety and security are impacting their use of new media through behaviours such as self-censorship, the adoption of pseudonyms and the preferencing of direct messaging apps over Arab Spring-era social media platforms.


2014 ◽  
Vol 36 (7) ◽  
pp. 1045-1056 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aswin Punathambekar ◽  
Srirupa Roy ◽  
Tarik Sabry ◽  
Sune Haugbolle
Keyword(s):  

China Report ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-203
Author(s):  
Justin Joseph

Based on the data from the 13-month field visit spread over two trips (September 2016 to December 2016 and September 2017 to July 2018), this study highlights how securitisation efforts from the central government interact with environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGO) activism and advocacy in China, producing diverse outcomes across temporal and spatial dimensions. The trajectory of state–society relations in the context of environmental governance depends on (a) the ability of party-state to control ‘new media’ activism and manage ENGO advocacy to ‘maintain stability/rule by law’ and (b) ability of the assemblage of media activism and ENGO advocacy, along with other agents, to support the transition from ‘rule by law’ to ‘rule of law’. The overall findings are discussed in the context of the ‘Copenhagen School’ framework in International Relations Theory to examine the process of securitisation in the environmental sector in China. The securitising actor (the one who leads the process of securitisation such as States), referent object (the object under existential threat, i.e. human nature harmony) and functional actors (those who support or oppose the process of securitisation, i.e. ENGOs) are the major players involved.


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