The Cold War, the San Francisco System, and Indigenous peoples

1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Karan Jacobson

One of the significant structural differences between the organization of economic and social work under the League and under the United Nations is the extent to which non-governmental organizations (NGO's) have been allowed to participate. NGO's have been granted far greater privileges in the UN than they enjoyed in the League. Initially, they were formally recognized in Article 71 of the Charter, which gives the Economic and Social Council the right to make “suitable arrangements” for consultation with them. While defined in differing ways during different periods, consultative status under this article has, subject to various conditions, always included the right to participate in the debates of ECOSOC, its commissions and committees, and to propose items for inclusion in their provisional agenda. NGO's have made extensive use of these privileges. Their use, however, as well as the entire record of NGO action in the UN, has been inseparably linked with the cold war. Russian demands at San Francisco for privileges for the newly created, communist-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) were a contributing factor in the decision to include Article 71 in the Charter. The initial definition of this article resulted primarily from the interaction of pressures by the Soviet Union and the WFTU and the western response.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Kimie Hara

Various issues were left unresolved in the San Francisco Peace Treaty with Japan. The Takeshima/Dokdo problem is no exception. A close examination of the post-war territorial disposition of Japan suggests that these issues were left unresolved under the strong influence of the Cold War. The treaty was prepared and signed in a multilateral framework, in which several issues were linked together. However, their historical and political linkages have been neglected or overlaid by other features over the years. Remembering its Cold War origin and multilateral linkages, settlement of the Takeshima/Dokdo problem may be considered together with other outstanding issues in a broader multilateral framework. There are important lessons to learn from the European experiences, including the 1975 Helsinki Declaration (Accords). A workable settlement formula would include mutual concessions and collective gains among the concerned parties in East Asia.


Author(s):  
Philip M. Gentry

This fourth chapter considers the intersection of white engagement with representations of Asian culture such as the musical South Pacific, as well as something of its opposite: a nightclub in San Francisco known as Forbidden City. At this club, Asian American musicians and dancers put on a kind of whiteface show in which, for example, singer Larry Ching performed as the “Chinese Frank Sinatra.” These dueling representations illuminate two larger and intersecting trends. One is the experience of white American service members returning home from the Pacific front. The other was the experience of Asian American in California, especially in the Bay Area where many Chinese Americans were joining the suburban middle class. Globalization was nothing new in the 1940s, but in the context of the Cold War, the development of these new styles of representation took on particularly fraught meanings.


Author(s):  
Isa Blumi

The objective of Destroying Yemen is to put South Arabia within a framework of analysis that permits new ways to explore the global transformations driven by “liberalism and market economics” during the 1900-2017 period. Of concern are the kinds of interactions between external parties, primarily driven by globalist doctrines seeking to extract the considerable surplus wealth produced in South Arabia. Crucially, the response from Yemen’s indigenous peoples appears to have global significance. Long self-sufficient and often themselves actively engaged in dynamic trans-regional relations that pre-date the ascendency of global capitalism, looking closely at how Yemenis confront and until now, resist globalist encroachments presents us an opportunity to reinterpret recent events in Yemen and the larger world since the Cold War. In particular, this book analyzes post-war Yemen through its close association with, among other things, a neo-liberal model of economic “development” that ultimately arrives in Yemen via various channels—Egypt’s invasion in 1962, Takfiri violence with Saudi support, and neoliberal “reforms” introduced by stealth over a period of 30 years. The fact that Yemen played an important role in shaping the trajectory of what were global visions for imposing Euro-American power throughout the Middle East, may prove invaluable to a broad range of scholars interested in studying the modern world from the perspective of indigenous agents.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 788-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis O. Wilcox

Old soldiers may “just fade away” as General Douglas MacArthur reminded us, but the controversy over the relative merits of regionalism and globalism in international organization will ever be with us. That question generated as much heat as any other issue at San Francisco in 1945 with the possible exception of the veto. In more recent years the inadequacies of the United Nations, the changing nature of the Cold War, the growth and expansion of regional organizations, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the continued shrinking of the universe have kept the heat of this controversy at a relatively high level.


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-494 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. BROOKS

In 1952 Chinese immigrant Sing Sheng encountered racial discrimination when he tried to purchase a home in the all-white South San Francisco housing tract of Southwood. Sheng, believing that racism could not be the majority sentiment in a democracy, asked white Southwood residents to vote to accept or reject his family. The Shengs lost the unof�cial referendum, but it became national news and created immense sympathy for the family. Many white Americans claimed that housing discrimination against Asian Americans could in�uence Asian nations to reject democracy and embrace communism. The Sheng affair and similar incidents demonstrate that the Cold War improved housing opportunities for California's Asian Americans, even though many whites perceived them as foreign and continued to discriminate against blacks and Mexican Americans.


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