language is drawn from a range of sources (see Figures 2.4 and 2.5, above) and given a new target domain. But it is the hearer/reader who makes the ultimate connections. That such language is used in politics is not surprising. Politicians seek to persuade by all means possible and, as Aristotle remarked, persuasive language is used to effect by the introduction of figurative language. Such language is only one aspect of rhetoric, but, as this extract demonstrates, it is a powerful aspect. Lawyers and the judiciary will always state that emotional and poetic language has no place in the courtroom, in the language of law. Part of the rationale for this is that poetic and emotional language can exercise much power and in matters of innocence and guilt it is surely more just to rely on rationality not emotion. This view can be particularly traced back to the insistence by Francis Bacon who, in the 17th century, insisted that law must be seen to have an objective, scientific, rational methodology. However, it is impossible for there to be a pure science of law given its necessary reliance on language, and the imprecision of language. Therefore, often it is the appeal to the rational neutrality of the science of legal decision making that is misleading. Figurative language is often used in the courtroom despite the view that it is inappropriate, as extracts 2 and 3 illustrate (in Figures 2.7 and 2.9, below, respectively). 2.5.2.2 Extracts 2 and 3: Lord Justice Comyn in Orme v Associated Newspapers Group Inc (1981) Figure 2.7: extract 2—Lord Justice Comyn summing up in Orme v Associated Newspapers Group Inc (1981) (This case was a defamation case involving membership of the Unification Church. Orme is the UK Director of the church.) This is not a battle between the freedom of religion and the freedom of the press; two freedoms which we treasure greatly. This is rather a battle of right and wrong. Has the Daily Mail infringed the plaintiff’s right to a good, clean reputation, or has the plaintiff Mr Orme in all the circumstances no right to any reputation at all in this case because of what he and his organisation have done and do? Was the Daily Mail wrong about its allegations in its article? Was it wrong about its allegations during this case? Or was the plaintiff wrong; was the plaintiff giving a false picture? That is what it is, members of the jury, not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion, but a battle of right and wrong. This extract is useful as an illustration of language techniques, repetition, figurative language (particularly, metaphor) in action; as well providing the basis for a necessarily limited discussion of what the function of these techniques may be. It is set out again below, with phrases and sentences numbered for discussion purposes.

2012 ◽  
pp. 38-38

Figure 2.8: numbered format of extract 2 1 This is not a battle between the freedom of religion 2 and the freedom of the press; 3 two freedoms which we treasure greatly. 4 This is rather a battle of right and wrong. 5 Has the Daily Mail infringed the plaintiff’s right to a good, clean reputation, 6 or has the plaintiff Mr Orme in all the circumstances no right to any reputation at all in this case because of what he and his organisation have done and do? 7 Was the Daily Mail wrong about its allegations in its article? 8 Was it wrong about its allegations during this case? 9 Or was the plaintiff wrong; 10 was the plaintiff giving a false picture? 11 That is what it is, members of the jury, not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion, 12 but a battle of right and wrong. Looking at Figure 2.8, above, the first two and last two sentences of the extract (lines 1, 2, 11 and 12) form a ‘sandwich’ comprising repetition of the main assertion that the case is not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion. It is as if he is saying that the argument is so because ‘I say so, twice!’. Another example of repetition is found in the structure of the run of three rhetorical questions, both in terms of length and the use of amplification through alliteration: ‘was juxtaposed with wrong’ in lines 7, 8 and 9. The structure of the extract also demonstrates that the judge has the authority to impose that reading of events. For he says, in line 11, ‘This is what it is, members of the jury’. Who is the ‘we’ found in line 3? (a) Is it the royal ‘we’, symbolising the ultimate authority of the court? (b) Is it merely the judge? (c) Does it include judge and jury? ‘We’ is undeniably an inclusive term. It is suggested that, in this instance, the judge is talking in relation to the court and the law, as an official spokesman of the law. The choice of the word ‘battle’, as part of what turns out to be a continuing war metaphor which runs throughout the entire summing up, as a major organising theme that argument is war, is interesting. The word ‘fight’ or ‘skirmish’ is not chosen, but ‘battle’. The reference to battle puts the case ‘high up’ in a hierarchy of modes of physical fighting—for example skirmish, scrap, fight, battle. Battle denotes that opposing armies gather together with their greatest degree of strength to fight for as long as it takes for a clear victor. Of course, it is not unusual to find ‘fighting’ metaphors used to describe English trials. Because of their accusatorial nature (‘He did it judge.’ ‘No, he did it judge.’). Early in the history of English dispute resolution, trial by battle (a physical fight) was used to determine guilt and innocence as a perfectly acceptable alternative to trial by law.

2012 ◽  
pp. 39-39

2007 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-90
Author(s):  
Flemming Lundgreen-Nielsen

Grundtvig og censuren[Grundtvig and censorship]By Flemming Lundgreen-NielsenFor forty-six years of his life Grundtvig was engaged in a struggle for freedom of the press and freedom of speech. Over this period his attitude gradually changed. At the age of 21, he wanted not to abolish but to update the rigid and stem decree on the issue dating from 1799, his idea being that educated and scholarly orientated writers could serve as counsellors for the authorities instead of censors appointed by the police or by the Danish Chancellery (Ministry of the Interior).During a long middle period of his career as an author he time and again discussed and suggested models for setting up semi-official literary courts outside the normal court system, which could secure and improve the freedom of Danish writers and poets to no detriment of Danish society as such. In a lost libel suit in 1826 Grundtvig incurred life-long personal censorship which ran until 1837, when a revision of the relevant legal paragraph was realized. As a 67-year-old member of the first Danish democratic parliament, Grundtvig in 1850 advocated freedom of the press and of speech with as few limitations as possible. His winding way to this conclusion is followed through a series of his own texts with particular attention to two sources which have been overlooked by Grundtvig scholars, namely the censor suppressed third part of an essay on the freedom of religion (printed 1827, but not published until 1866) and a pamphlet issued in 1845 but never reprinted, opposing a proposed revision (1844) of the 1799 press ordinance. In the latter case, references to fragmentary manuscripts not included in Grundtvig’s final argumentation are added.


1984 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-65
Author(s):  
Grete Bøje

The Libel Case against Grundtvig 1825-26By Grete BøjeIn his search for a powerful argument against the rationalist understanding of Christianity Grundtvig underwent a long and complex cognitive process at the beginning of the 1820s; in July 1825 he came to the conclusion that the foundation of Christianity is the Apostles’ Creed.In mid-August 1825 Grundtvig, as a subscriber to the book, received a copy of H. N. Clausen’s The Church Constitution, Teaching and Ritual of Catholicism and Protestantism. Grundtvig saw the publication of this book of dogmatics as an admirable opportunity to promote his new understanding of Christianity and its foundations, and he therefore wrote The Church's Retort to the Professor of Theology, Dr. H. N. Clausen, in which he questioned the rationalist approach to Christianity and accused Clausen, among other things, of being a false teacher, claiming that the content of Clausen’s dogmatics was at odds with the constitution of the Danish State Church and its symbolical books.The Church's Retort was published only two days after Clausen’s book was advertised for sale, and it provoked a stormy debate, largely characterized by righteous indignation and scandal. Grundtvig could find noone to debate the serious theological and legal problems he had raised; Clausen was totally disinterested in any form of discussion of the case, and instead summonsed Grundtvig for libel.Grundtvig complained to the King about the summons, regarding his action as no more than the fulfilment of his clerical duties. But his complaint was rejected by the Chancellery and referred to the court’s jurisdiction.At Whitsun 1826 the Church was to celebrate its 1000-year anniversary in Denmark, and in March of that year a royal decree was published allowing the clergy the freedom to choose their own hymns for the anniversary services, provided O Mighty God, we sing Thy Praise (O, Store Gud, Vi love dig) was sung.Grundtvig understood the decree to mean that in their free choice of hymns the clergy were not even bound to the authorized hymnbook. He therefore wrote four hymns of celebration and had them printed in time for the anniversary service. However, the archdeacon at the Church of Our Lady in Copenhagen informed him that he was to stick to the authorized hymnbook. When Grundtvig wrote to the archdeacon to query this interpretation of the decree, the archdeacon reported him through Bishop Münter to the Chancellery, who in a further notice directed the clergy to stick to the authorized hymnbook.The King had had the palace chapel restored for the occasion, and Grundtvig had therefore written some poems in honour of the King. The week before the Whitsun festival Grundtvig sought an audience with the King to present the poems to him; during the audience it became clear to Grundtvig that the King regarded him as a libeller.All these factors, together with further threats regarding the libel case, resulted in Grundtvig feeling it necessary to offer his resignation. This was granted him - honourably - at the end of May. He then tried to discontinue the action through a private agreement with Clausen but was turned down flat. His next attempt was to use his resignation as an argument for not being judged for an action performed in the course of his clerical duties, from which he had now resigned. Grundtvig also maintained that by resigning he had voluntarily accepted a punishment for a possible offence. Both these arguments were rejected by Clausen and by the court.Meanwhile A. S. Ørsted published a series of articles in a legal journal on the degree to which the Danish State Church constitution needed changing, and as ill-luck would have it he took Clausen’s side in the libel case, a fact which Clausen naturally made use of in his address to the court. It goes without saying that Grundtvig was angered by this untimely vote against him, presented as it was by such a legal expert as Ørsted. In response Grundtvig wrote Important Questions for Denmark’s Jurists, condemning Ørsted’s reprehensible action and appealing yet again to the King to have the case stopped, but in vain.At the end of October Grundtvig was convicted of libel on the Royal Ordinance of September 27th 1799 concerning the limits to the freedom of the press; he was fined and sentenced to lifelong censorship. However, this was raised in December 1837.


Author(s):  
Eduard V. Budaev

The paper deals with precedent names derived from source domain “Music” in the modern media discourse in the UK. The data of research include list of 300 precedent names used in the British media (BBC, The Financial Times, The Guardian, The Times, The Daily Mail, The Daily Telegraph, The Independent) in 2010-2020. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research is the lingvocultural analysis and cognitive analysis of discourse (cognitive-discursive paradigm). Five main methods of studying precedent names in media discourse are highlighted (method of analyzing single precedent names; method of studying precedent names, united by the source domain; method of studying precedent names, united by the target domain; method of functional analysis of precedent names; method of studying precedent names, united by discourse). In accordance with the research goal, this study uses the method of studying precedent names, united by the source domain, in a certain national discourse. Based on the analysis of practical material, it was concluded that (1) the specificity of the source domain determines the discursive features of the functioning of precedent names in media discourse; (2) the peculiarity of the functioning of precedent names from the considered source domain in the British media discourse is that journalists give preference to the onyms of American and British musical performers, which is due to the dominance of English-language music in world popular culture, while the dominant place is given to rock music performers, which is also due to cultural factors (3) precedent names from the source domain “Music” are used in the UK media discourse as universal signs, the use of which is not limited to musical topics in the target domain. Although most of the contexts in which precedent names are actualized are associated with music, the onyms under consideration can be used to conceptualize phenomena from other spheres of social reality (sports, fashion, terrorism, etc.).


Shariah ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Esposito ◽  
Natana J. Delong-Bas

Muslim countries and societies face major human rights challenges today, especially for those living under patriarchal societies and authoritarian rule. These include equal rights for women; freedom of religion, speech, and expression; and freedom of the press. Major polls report that majorities of Muslims strongly...


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.


1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Keyserlingk

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 


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